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hbl, stx E 82.L73 

Narratives of the Indian wars, 167 

3 T153 D0731SD1 5 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2010 with funding from 

Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries 




General Editor, J. FRANKLIN JAMESON, Ph.D., LL.D. 


1675 — 1699 












Printed in the United States of America 


The frontispiece to this volume requires some explanation. 
Reference may first be made to the explanatory remarks which are 
inserted in the upper right-hand corner of the map itself. The map 
was drawn and engraved to accompany the Rev. William Hubbard's 
book on the Indian Wars. Of that work there are two editions. 
The first, entitled A Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians in New 
England, was published at Boston in 1677. The second, entitled 
The Present State of New England, being a Narrative of the Troubles 
with the Indians in New England, was published in London the same 
year. Both are now rare; not quite twenty-five copies of the first 
are known. But there are also two editions of the map, which it is 
customary to distinguish from each other by the legends that appear 
in them respectively, at the right or north side of the map, adjacent 
to the White Mountains. In the one the legend is "The White 
Hills," in the other, by error of the engraver, "The Wine Hills." 
Both are rare, the White Hills map especially so, since apparently 
only four copies are known. From one of these, an exceptionally 
fine copy, at present in the possession of Messrs. Dodd and Living- 
ston, our photographic facsimile has by the kindness of that firm 
been obtained. It should be mentioned that the late Henry Stevens 
in 1872 made facsimiles of both of these maps which it is difficult to 
distinguish from the originals. 

It has been difficult for historical scholars to determine with 
certainty the respective histories of these two maps. In general, 
the White Hills map is more correct, the Wine Hills map better exe- 
cuted. It is not known positively who drew or engraved either map. 
It seems most likely that Mr. Hubbard himself drew the map, and 
it seems almost certain that the White Hills issue was engraved by 
John Foster, the first printer in Boston, to accompany the Boston 
edition of Hubbard's book, which was printed by him; and that the 

vi NOTE 

Wine Hills issue was subsequently engraved in London to accompany 
the London edition of the book. It will be observed that the map 
itself, in its main legend, declares itself to have been the first ever 
engraved in Boston. It was engraved on wood. The earliest use 
of copper-plate engraving in America was in the making of paper 
money at Boston in 1691 (or at all events under authority of an ordi- 
nance of December 12, 1690), to cover the cost of the expedition to 
Canada under Sir William Phips. A facsimile of the Wine Hills 
map is given in Dr. James Douglas's New England and New France 
(New York, 1913), opposite p. 180. 

The White Hills map, slightly reduced in our reproduction, 
measures in the original about 15 x 12 inches. It is drawn with the 
west at the top and with two strong vertical lines, which were appar- 
ently intended to mark colonial boundaries: the right-hand one a 
fanciful division between Massachusetts (including New Hamp- 
shire) and Maine, the left-hand one the southern boundary of Massa- 
chusetts, although apparently the error in continuing it so far down 
to the eastward was discovered and a less heavy line then drawn at 
an angle to mark the boundary between Plymouth Colony and 
Massachusetts Bay. 

The figures on the map refer to explanations given on certain 
unnumbered pages at the end of Hubbard's first volume. The 
figures which are not accompanied by names on the map have the 
following explanations: 2, Swansea; 3, Middleborough (but this 
figure is misplaced, as Hubbard acknowledges, for it should lie be- 
tween Plymouth and Taunton); 4, Dartmouth; 8, Mendon; 13, 
Hatfield; 16, Westfield; 17, Quonsigomog (Worcester); 18, Jireh 
Bull's garrison house at Pettiquemscot; 19, Canonicus's fort; 20, 
Warwick; 25, Wickford; 35, Andover; 47, York (Maine); 48, the 
Totonnock fort; 50, Saco; 51, Wells; 54, Spurwink and Richmond's 
Island; 55, Falmouth. The town between Weymouth and Taunton 
is Bridgewater. 

The map of Mrs. Rowlandson's Removes is taken from one pre- 
sented in the edition of her captivity edited by Mr. Henry S. Nourse 
and Mr. John E. Thayer, and published at Lancaster in 1903. 

The title-page of the Decennium Luctuosum is photographed from 
that of the original in the Boston Public Library. That volume. 

NOTE vii 

unfortunately, has a title-page made with pen and ink, not printed. 
But no other copy is known to the undersigned or to those whom he 
has consulted, and the title-page of this, such as it is, was evidently 
made from that of a more perfect copy, not now traceable — ^perhaps 
from that which figured in the Brinley sale. 

It is necessary to explain that, although it is customary in these 
reprints to preserve exactly the spelling and capitalization of the 
originals (though punctuation is often amended if it is misleading), 
this cannot be predicated of the pieces which stand second, third, 
fourth, and fifth in the present volume. The text of them presented 
in Drake's Old Indian Chronicles, which has all the appearance of 
close conformity to the originals, was taken as printer's copy. Colla- 
tion with the rare originals was not practicable at the time when the 
book was prepared. When the opportunity for it was secured, it 
was discovered too late that Drake's text differed very widely from 
his originals in capitalization, and sometimes varied from them in 
spelling. But though correction of all these differences had become 
impracticable, all significant errors have been corrected. 

J. F. J. 


Edited by Chakles H. Lincoln 


A Relacion of the Indyan Wakke 1 

^Introduction 3 

King Philip accused of the Death of Sausiman 7 

Arming of English and Indians 8 

A Conference of English and Indians at Trip's Ferry .... 9 

The Beginning of the War ... .... 12 

The English attempt to secure Indian Allies 13 

Indecision of the Indians 14 

The Commissioners declare War 15 

Conditions during the Summer of 1675 . . . . . .16 

Charles II. suggested as Arbiter 17 

The Present State op New England . 19 

Introduction 21 

The Causes of the Indian War of 1675 24 

Philip seeks Allies against the English ". 25 

Alarm at Rehoboth and Swansey 27 

Massachusetts comes to the Rescue 28 

Indian Ravages 30 

The Battle at Pocasset Swamp . . . . . . . .31 

Order respecting Praying Indians 32 

Connecticut makes Peace with the Narragansetts .... 34 

Defeat of Hutchinson and Wheeler ....... 35 

Indian Attack upon Brookfield .36 

The Praying Indians, Eliot and Gookin 36 

Fasts ordered by Boston Churches . 38 

Captain Moseley's Fight .39 

Efforts to release the Indians at Boston 40 

Indian Attack upon Deerfield 42 

Agreement between the Massachusetts and the Narragansetts . . 44 

Order for a Fast 45 

Indian Attack upon Springfield . . • 47 

Upon Hatfield 48 






A Continuation op the State of New England .... 61 

Review of the preceding Narrative 54 

The Commissioners take aggressive Action 66 

The March against the Narragansetts 67 

The Great Swamp Fight 68 

A List of the Killed and Wounded 60 

Philip's Attack upon Hatfield 61 

Address of the Massachusetts Council 62 

The Indians pretend to desire Peace 65 

Further Victories of the Colonists 67 

Decay of Trade with Virginia 68 

Review of relations with the Wampanoags 69 

Troubles in Barbadoes 71 

Philip refuses to negotiate with the Colonists 73 

A New and Further Narrative of the State op New England . 75 

Definitions of certain Indian Words 77 

Condition of Antagonists after the Swamp Fight .... 79 

Attacks upon Lancaster, Sudbury, and Medfield .... 80 

Upon Northampton 81 

Upon Warwick and Groton ........ 82 

Upon Lancaster; Mrs. Rowlandson 83 

Defeat of Captain Pierce and his Men 84 

Burning of Seekonk and Providence 86 

Roger Williams confers with the Indians 87 

Philip near Albany; the Mohawks 87 

Death of Gov. John Winthrop of Connecticut 89 

Defeat of Canonchet at Pawtuxet 90 

His Execution 91 

Ambuscade of the Colonials at Sudbury ...... 92 

Order of the Massachusetts Council regarding Militia ... 94 

Indian Defeat at Turner's Falls 95 

Defeat of King Philip by the Mohawks 97 

Colonial Losses during the War 98 

The Warr in New England Visibly Ended 101 

King Philip retires into Hiding 104 

Death of Philip and Capture of his Lieutenants 105 

Narrative of the Captivity of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson . . . 107 

Introduction 109 

Preface to the Reader 112 

The Indian Attack upon Lancaster 118 

Mrs. Rowlandson leaves her House . 119 

The first Remove after Capture 121 

The second Remove, to Princeton 122 

The third Remove, to New Braintree 123 

The Visit of Robert Pepper 124 



Death of Mrs. Rowlandson's Child .125 

The fourth Remove, to Petersham 128 

The fifth Remove, crossing Miller's River . . . . . . 129 

The sixth Remove, to Northfield . . . . . . . 131 

The seventh Remove, to Squakeag . . . . . . .132 

The eighth Remove, to Coasset 133 

Mrs. Rowlandson meets King Philip 134 

The ninth Remove, into New Hampshire 136 

Mrs. Rowlandson sees her Son 136 

Various Removes in New Hampshire 138 

Weetamoo refuses to go further South 139 

The thirteenth Remove, toward the Connecticut River . . . 140 

Meeting with Thomas Read of Hadley 142 

With John Gilbert of Springfield 143 

Death of Weetamoo's Child 144 

Movement toward Princeton begun 145 

Wearisome Nature of the Journey 147 

Mrs. Rowlandson meets her Sister 149 

Philip promises Release; Quinnapin's three Squaws . . . .150 

News received of Mr. Rowlandson 151 

Praying Indians 152 

Arrival at Wachusett Lake, Princeton 154 

John Hoar negotiates the Ransom 155 

The Ransom effected 157 

Special Providences noted 158 

Manner of Life of the Indians . 159 

Mrs. Rowlandson passes through Lancaster . . . . . 161 

Arrival in Boston; Reunion of the Family 162 

The Rowlandsons settle in Boston 165 

Mrs. Rowlandson's Reflections upon her Captivity .... 166 

Decennium Luctuosum . . . 169 

Introduction . .171 

The Author's Reasons for his Narrative 179 

The Author's Introduction to the Reader 184 

The Occasion of the Indian War . - 186 

The first Acts of Hostility 190 

First Expedition of the English 192 

Sir Edmund Andros takes Command . 193 

The Field of the War broadens : 195 

Indian Devastations in the East 197 

Misfortunes of Mrs. Elizabeth Heard r" 198 

Capture of Mrs. Sarah Gerish . . . . . . . . 199 

New Forces raised and new Actions 201 

Samuel Penhallow's Letter . . . 204 

Attack upon Schenectady 205 

Upon Salmon Falls 206 

Indian Cruelties to Robert Rogers — '. 207 



Sufferings of Captives in the Hands of the Indians ''"^. 

The Expedition of Sir WiUiam Phips against Canada 

The earlier Expeditions of Admiral Kirke . 

Destruction of Casco (Falmouth, Portland) 

Indian Assaults upon Newmarket and Exeter 

Indian Attack upon Amesbury .... 

Colonial Victories on the Androscoggin River 

A Flag of Truce and the Redemption of Captives 

The Defence of Storer's Garrison at Wells . 

The Martyrdom of Shubael Dummer at York 

The Memorable Action at Wells 

The Bravery of the Women in the Garrison 

The Torture of John Diamond ''".'' 

The Fort at Pemaquid 

Wonderful Occurrences at Gloucester 

The Relation of Rev. John Emerson 

Efforts to secure Peace 

Articles of Peace with the Eastern Indians 

Devastation of Oyster River and Groton 

Seizure of Bomazeen by the English , 

Conference between Bomazeen and the Author , 

Bomazeen accepts the English Religion 

Futile Negotiations; further Hostilities 

Colonial Misfortunes continue .... 

The French recapture Pemaquid 

The Capture and Heroic Escape of Hannah Dustan 

Major Charles Frost killed by the Indians . 

The Engagement at Damariscotta River 

The Indian Attack upon Andover 

Courage shown by the Inhabitants of Deerfield . 

Renewal of the Peace of 1693 .... 

Experiences of English Captives .... 

Arrival of Governor Bellomont .... 

Religious Differences with the Quakers 

Internal Divisions among that People . 

Discussion between a Boston Minister and a Quaker 

Methods to be employed against the Quakers 

Mather's Opinion of the Denomination 

Prophecies regarding Things to Come . 

Experiences of John Sadler 

Reasonable Expectations for the Future of New England 




Map accompanying Hubbard's "Narratives of the Troubles with 
THE Indians," 1677. From an original, of the "White Hills" variety, 
in the possession of Messrs. Dodd and Livingston . . Frontispiece 


Map of Mrs. Rowlandson's Removes. From Messrs. Nourse and 

Thayer's edition of the Narrative 122 

Title-Page of Cotton Mather's "Decennium Luctuosum," 1699. 

From the original in the Boston Public Library 180 



Few students of American colonial history have failed to 
observe the difference in method employed by France and 
by England in their respective efforts to control the new 
continent. The government at Paris sent out its colonists, 
took much interest in their welfare, and weakened them by 
its excessive care. The English immigrants came to America 
of their own accord, developed along paths of their own choos- 
ing, and prospered under British neglect. 

As the mother country treated her representatives in 
America so the colonists treated the Indians. From his arrival 
on the St. Lawrence the Frenchman regarded the Indian as a 
possible friend, and joined with him in his wars as well as in 
his hunting expeditions. No efforts were spared to cement 
an alliance between the two races, an alliance which gave the 
profits of the fur-trade to France and enabled the French in 
America to resist for a hundred and fifty years a much greater 
number of English rivals. Very different was the behavior 
of the New Englander toward the Indian. Nothing could in- 
duce him to regard the red man as an equal, although in no 
English colony save Pennsylvania was the Indian better treated. 
Massachusetts tried to educate the Indian, endeavored to con- 
vert him to Christianity, traded with him, and fought with him, 
but neither people felt at home in the presence of the other. 

In another and not less vital way the policies of the French 

and English toward the Indians differed. The French were 

directed by a single head, and under that direction maintained 

a consistent attitude toward their neighbors. The English, 

lacking the direction of an efficient central government, fol- 



lowed as many methods in their dealings with the Indians as 
there were colonies in America. Intercolonial jealousies pre- 
vented that miion against the Indians which won the Five 
Nations to the Dutch in New York and the Huron Confedera- 
tion to the French along the line of the Great Lakes. 

In few sections of America were these jealousies more 
rampant than in New England, where New Hampshire was in 
fear of absorption by Massachusetts and where Rhode Island 
had an additional fear of Plymouth and Connecticut. One 
attempt at united policy against the Indians was made even 
in New England. Following their bitter war against the 
Pequots, Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New 
Haven formed the New England Confederation of 1643, a 
union of the four governments for defensive purposes. Whether 
because of this alliance, or because of the memories of the 
Pequot war, the borders of New England were undisturbed by 
the Indians for thirty years. Then came an outbreak which 
threatened to overthrow all government by the English in 
that portion of America. It would seem as if the Indians had 
observed the jealousy existing between Rhode Island and her 
neighbors and had formed a loose confederacy among them- 
selves in order to make one strong united fight against the 
invader of their lands and dignities. 

King Philip's war covered about two years of New Eng- 
land's history. It was the most prolonged Indian war in 
which the New England colonies ever engaged, and when 
estimated in life and property few wars have occasioned greater 
loss to their participants. The cost to the Indians can only 
be guessed at, but one-tenth of the adult males of Massa- 
chusetts were killed or captured by the Indians, and two- 
thirds of her towns and villages suffered directly from Indian 
raids during this war. The loss in Rhode Island was no less, 
and while Connecticut was somewhat more fortunate in her 
location her fighting strength was seriously depleted. 


It is most fitting that the first narrative of this Indian war 
series should be that of a Rhode Islander. That colony had 
been denied admittance into the New England Confederation 
of 1643, and feared that an Indian war would give Plymouth 
or Connecticut an opportunity to encroach upon her bound- 
aries. Rhode Island was the home of the Narragansetts, the 
most important of Philip's allies and whose chief, Canonchet, 
was at least the equal of Philip in conducting the war, if not 
the foremost to arouse the various tribes for a united assault 
upon New England. In Rhode Island occurred the Swamp 
Fight, perhaps the most important battle of the war, and in 
the same colony was located Mount Hope, or Montop, the 
capital of Philip and the scene of his final defeat. 

In no contemporary account of the war do we find more 
evidence of a desire to be impartial. Some have found the 
reason for John Easton's impartiality in his aversion to all 
fighting and in Rhode Island's equal fear of Massachusetts 
and of Indian conquest. Increase Mather indeed accused 
Easton of favoring the Indians, remarking that this narrative 
was "written by a Quaker in Road Island, who pretends to 
know the Truth of Things"; but that it was "fraught with 
worse Things than meer Mistakes." A more moderate view 
is that the boundary disputes may have urged Easton to 
emphasize the possibility of maintaining peace with the 
Indians by arbitration were it not for the indiscretion of their 
white neighbors. Easton regarded the Indians more kindly 
than did Mather or the authors of our other narratives, but 
we shall not be far astray if we consider him as expressing the 
Rhode Island rather than the Indian point of view. His 
condemnation of the colonists in certain acts is shown, as in 
his account of the conference between Indian and white, but 
this is not accompanied by indiscriminate praise of Indian 
motives and methods. The Rhode Island writer intends to 
be fair and is reasonably successful in this intent. 


Easton's birth and surroundings aided him in this effort. 
He was the son of Nicholas Easton, a Friend, who came to 
New England in 1634 and settled at Ipswich. From this 
Massachusetts town he moved successively to Newbury and 
Hampton, where he is said to have built the first English 
house. In 1638 Nicholas Easton was driven from Massachu- 
setts by reHgious intolerance; he settled a year later at New- 
port, again building the first English house. There he held 
important positions until 1675, dying in Newport soon after 
his last term as governor of the colony. His son John, the 
author of our narrative, was bom in 1617 and accompanied 
his father in his various removes. He was attorney-general 
of Rhode Island for much of the time between 1652 and 1674, 
and fifteen years after the death of his father John Easton 
also became governor of the colony. 

Easton was about sixty years old at the time of the events 
recounted in the following narrative. It was written by a 
person of mature years and of conservative temperament, a 
person well fitted to give a judicial account of the origin of 
the war and a careful estimate of its participants. The 
original narrative remains in manuscript form in the New York 
State Library. We are indebted to Mr. Peter Nelson, of the 
archives of that state, for collation of our text with the original. 
A printed edition limited to one hundred copies was published 
in Albany in 1858 under the careful editing of Franklin B. 
Hough. The importance of the narrative and inaccessibility 
of this edition warrant its republication at this time. The 
care with which it was written may lead the reader to wish 
that the record covered a greater period of the war, but the 
fact that Easton's father was governor of Rhode Island from 
1672 to 1674 and that the son was deputy governor (1674-1676) 
when the war opened may have given the son a peculiar fitness 
as a historian of the war's beginning which he would not have 
retained for its later history. 

Mr. EASTON, of ROADE ISLD., 1675 

a true relation of wt I kno and of reports, and my understanding 
Conserning the begining and progres of the war now hetwen 
the English and the indians. 

In the winter in the year 1674 an indian was found dead, 
and by a Corener iquest of Plimoth Coleny judged murdered, 
he was found dead in a hole thro ies broken in a pond with his 
gun and sum foulle by him. sum EngHsh suposed him throne 
in sum indians that I judged intelegabell and impartial! in 
that Case did think he fell in and was so drouned and that 
the ies did hurt his throat as the English saied it was cut, but 
acnoledged that sumtimes naty ^ indians wold kill others but, 
not as ever thay herd to obscuer as if the dead indian was not 
murdered, the dead indian was caled Sausimun^ and a 
Christian that could read and write, report was he was a 
bad man that king Philop got him to write his will and he 
made the writing for a gret part of the land to be his but read 
as if it had biae as Philop wold, but it Came to be knone and 
then he run away from him. now one indian informed that 
3 indians had murdered him, and shewed a Coat that he said 
thay gave him to Conseall them, the indians report that the 
informer had played away his Coate, and these men sent him 

^ Naughty, i. e., wicked. 

2 This name is written Sosoman, Sassamon, Sausaman, and Sausimun, all 
abbreviations of his own spelling Wussausmon. He was a preacher to the 
Indians and possibly to Philip himself. Sausaman was born in Punkapog (now 
Canton, Massachusetts), was given the Christian name of John, was brought up 
by the EngUsh, and used frequently by them as an interpreter in negotiations 
with the Indians. He was used also as a scribe by Alexander and by Philip, the 
former granting him lands near Assawomset pond in Middleborough, Plymouth 
County, Massachusetts. It was here, as stated in the text, that his dead body 
was found January 29, 1674/5. 



that coate, and after demanded pay and he not to pay so 
acused them, and knoing it wold pleas the English so to think 
him a beter Christian, and the reporte Came, that the 3 
indians had confesed and acused Philop so to imploy them, 
and that the English wold hang Philop, so the indians wear 
afraid, and reported that the English had flatred them (or by 
threts) to bely Philop that thay might kill him to have his 
Land and that if Philop had dmi it it was ther Law so to 
execute home^ ther kings judged deserved it that he had no 
Case to hide it. 

so Philop kept his men in arems. Plimoth Governer, re- 
quired him to disband his men, and informed him his jelosy 
was falce. Philop ansered^ he wold do no harem, and thanked 
the Governer for his information, the 3 indians wer hunge, 
to the last denied the fact, but one broke the halter as it is 
reported then desiere to be saved and so was a litell while 
then confesed thay 3 had dun the fact and then he was hanged' 
and it was reported Sausimun before his death had informed 
of the Indian plot and that if the indians knew it thay wold 
kill him, and that the hethen might destroy the English for 
ther wickedness as god had permited the heathen to destroy 
the iserallits^ of olde, so the English wear afraid and Philop 
was afraid and both incresed in arems but for 40 years time 
reports and jelosys of war had bine veri freq'uent that we did 
not think that now a war was breking forth, but about a wecke 
before it did we had Case to think it wold,^ then to indever to 
prevent it, we sent a man to Philop that if he wold Cum to the 

1 Whom. 

2 Other accounts say that Philip paid no attention to the court and made 
no effort to clear himself of complicity or suspicion. The governor of Plymouth 
colony was Josiah Winslow. 

3 For a different account of the manner in which the Indians had come to 
kill Sausimun see The Present State of New England, p. 24, jpost. It is not certain 
that the three men were hanged. One is reported to have been reprieved for 
a time and shot later. The jury trying the accused consisted of four Indians 
and twelve whites. One bit of evidence is stated by Increase Mather: "When 
Tobias came near the dead body, it fell a bleeding on fresh, as if it had been 
newly slain." 

* Israelites. 
, 5 Four years earlier peace had been made at Taunton on April 12, 1671, but 
since that time the Indians had been reported as dissatisfied with the conditions 
imposed upon them and as preparing for a renewal of the war. 


fery^ we wold Cum over to speke with him. about 4 mile 
we had to Cum thether. our mesenger Come to them, thay 
not awar of it behaved themselefs as furious but sudingly 
apesed when thay imderstood who he was and what he came 
for. he Called his counsell and agreed to Cum to us came 
himselef unarmed and about 40 of his men armed, then 5^ 
of us went over. 3 wear magestrats. we sate veri frindly 
together.^ we told him our bisnes was to indever that thay 
might not reseve or do rong. thay said that was well thay 
had dun no rong, the English ronged them, we saied we knew 
the English saied the Indians ronged them and the Indians 
saied the english ronged them but our desier was the quarell 
might rightly be desided in the best way, and not as dogs 
desided ther quarells. the Indians owned that fighting was 
the worst way then thay propounded how right might take 
plase, we saied by arbetration. thay saied all English agred 
against them, and so by arbetration thay had had much rong, 
mani miles square of land so taken from them for English wold 
have English Arbetrators, and once thay wer perswaided to 
give in ther arems, that therby Jelosy might be removed and 
the English having ther arems wold not deliver them as thay 
had promised, untill thay consented to pay a 100^°, and now 
thay had not so much land or muny, that thay wear as good 
be kiled as leave all ther liveflyhode.^ we saied thay might 
Choose a Indian king, and the English might Choose the 
Govemer of new yorke^ that nether had Case to say ether 
weare parties in the diferans. thay saied thay had not herd 
of that way and saied we onestly spoke so we wear perswaided 

^ Trip's Ferry. ^ The reading is probably 5, possibly 50. 

3 No other contemporary historian has given an account of this conference. 
Possibly no other colony could have secured a conference with Philip at this 
time, but Rhode Island had been more friendly with the Indians than had Massa- 
chusetts or Plymouth. 

* A reference to the treaty at Taunton, which the Indians had interpreted as 
meaning a temporary surrender of arms brought to the meeting-place but which 
the English had construed as a permanent giving up of all arms in possession of 
the various tribes represented. On Philip's proposition a meeting of the New 
England Commissioners was held September 29, 1671, which resulted in the aban- 
donment by the English of their construction of the treaty, conditional upon 
the payment by the Indians of £lOO as stated in the text. This condition the 
Indians here declare to be impracticable. 

' Sir Edmund Andres. 


if that way had bine tendered thay wold have acsepted. we 
did indever not to here ther Cumplaints, saied it was not 
Convenient for us now to Consider of, but to indever to pre- 
vent war, saied to them when in war against EngHsh blud was 
spilt that ingadged all Englishmen for we wear to be all under 
one king, we knew what ther Cumplaints wold be, and in 
our Colony had removed sum of them in sending for indian 
rulers in what^ the Crime Consemed indians Hves which thay 
veri lovingly acsepted and agreed with us to ther execution 
and saied so thay wear abell to satesfie ther subjects when thay 
knew an indian suf ered duly, but saied in what was only betwen 
ther indians and not in towneshipes that we had purchased, 
thay wold not have us prosecute and that thay had a great 
fear to have^ ani of ther indians should be Caled or forsed to 
be Christian Indians.' thay saied that such wer in everi 
thing more mischivous, only disemblers, and then the Enghsh 
made them not subject to ther kings, and by ther lying to 
rong their kings, we knew it to be true, and we promising 
them that how ever in government to indians all should be 
alicke and that we knew it was our kings will it should be so, 
that altho we wear wecker then other Colonies, thay having 
submited to our king to protect them others dared not other- 
wise to molest them, so thay expresed thay tooke that to be 
well, that we had Htell Case to doute but that to us under the 
king thay wold have yelded to our determenations in what 
ani should have Cumplained to us against them, but Philop 
Charged it to be disonesty in us to put of the hering the 
complaints therfore we Consented to here them, thay saied 
thay had bine the first in doing good to the English, and the 
English the first in doing rong, saied when the English first 
Came their kings father was as a great man and the English 
as a litell Child, he Constraened other indians from rouging 
the English and gave them Coren and shewed them how to 
plant and was free to do them ani good and had let them have 
a 100 times more land, then now the king had for his own 
peopell, but ther kings brother when he was king Came miser- 

* In so far as. ^ Lest. 

» Neither Roger Williams nor any other religious leader appears to have tried 
to Christianize the Narragansetts so persistently as John Eliot worked in Massa- 


abely to dy by being forsed to Court as thay judged poysoned,^ 
and another greavanc was if 20 of there onest indians testefied 
that a EngHshman had dim them rong, it was as nothing, 
and if but one of ther worst indians testefied against ani 
indian or ther king when it plesed the English that was sufitiant. 
a nother grivanc was when ther kings sold land the English 
wold say it was more than thay agred to and a writing must 
be prove^ against all them, and sum of ther kings had dun 
rong to sell so much he left his peopell none and sum being 
given to drunknes the English made them drunk and then 
cheted them in bargens, but now ther kings wear forewarned 
not for to part with land for nothing in Cumpareson to the 
valew therof. now home^ the English had owned for king 
or queen thay* wold disinheret, and make a nother king that 
wold give or seell them there land, that now thay had no 
hopes left to kepe ani land, a nother grivanc the English 
Catell and horses still incresed that when thay removed 30 
mill from wher English had anithing to do, thay Could not 
kepe ther coren from being spoyled, thay never being iused 
to fence, and thoft when the English boft^ land of them that 
thay wold have kept ther Catell upone ther owne land, a 
nother grevanc the English wear so eger to sell the indians 
lickers that most of the indians spent all in drunknes and then 
ravened upone the sober indians and thay did belive often did 
hurt the English Catell, and ther kings Could not prevent it. 
we knew before these were ther grand Cumplaints, but then 
we only indevered to perswaid that all Cumplaints might be 
righted without war, but Could have no other answer but that 
thay had not herd of that way for the Governer of yorke and 
a indian king to have the hering of it. we had Case to thinke 
in^ that had bine tendred it wold have bine acsepted. we 
indevered that however thay should lay doune ther arems for 
the English wear to strong for them, thay saied then the 
English should do to them as thay did when thay wear to 
strong for the english. so we departed without ani discurtious- 
nes, and sudingly had leter from Plimoth Governer thay in- 
tended in arems to Conforem'' philop, but no information 
what that was thay required or what termes he refused to 

"* » See post, p. 26, note 2. 2 Proof. " Whom. * The English. 

^ Thought; bought. ^ If . ^ Conform, subdue. 


have ther quarell desided, and in a weckes time after we had 
bine with the indians the war thus begun. Plimoth soldiers 
were Cum to have ther head quarters within 10 mile of philop. 
then most of the English therabout left ther houses and we 
had leter from Plimoth governer to desier our help with sum 
boats if thay had such ocation and for us to looke to our selefs 
and from the genarall^ at the quarters we had leter of the day 
thay intended to Cum upon the indians and desier for sum of 
our bots to atend, so we tooke it to be of nesesety for our 
leslanders one halef one day and night to atend and the other 
halef the next, so by turens for our oune safty. in this time 
sum indians fell a pilfering sum houses that the English had 
left, and a old man and a lad going to one of those houses did 
see 32 indians run out therof. the old man bid the young 
man shoote so he did and a Indian fell doune but got away 
againe. it is reported that then sum indians Came to the 
gareson asked why thay shot the indian. thay asked whether 
he was dead, the indians saied yea. a EngHsh lad saied it 
was no mater, the men indevered to inforem them it was but 
an idell lads words but the indians in hast went away and 
did not harken to them, the next day^ the lad that shot 
the indian and his father and fief* EngHsh more wear killed 
so the war begun with philop. but ther was a queen ^ that i 
knew was not a party with philop and Plimoth Governer 
recumended her that if shee wold cum to our lesland it wold 
be well and shee desiered shee might if it wear but with six 
of hir men. I Can sufitiantly prove, but it is to large here to 
relate, that shee had practised much the quarell might be 
desided without war, but sum of our English allso in fury 
against all indians wold not Consent shee should be reseved 
to our lesland alltho I profered to be at all the Charg to secuer 

^ Better known as Major James Cudworth. He was commander-in-chief 
by virtue of his command of the Plymouth forces representing the colony most 

2 The reading is probably 3, possibly 30. 

3 June 24. See post, p. 28. On this same day an attack was made upon 
an Englishman at Rehoboth and upon June 25 two EngUshmen were killed at 
Fall River. 

* Five. 

s The queen referred to was Weetamoo, queen of Pocasset, widow of Alex- 
ander the elder brother and predecessor of Philip. 


hir and those shee desiered to Cum with hir, so at length pre- 
vailed we might send for hir, but one day acsedentaly we^wear 
prevented, and then our men had seased sum Cannos on hir 
side suposing they wear Philops and the next day a English 
house was there burned and mischif of ether side indevered 
to the other and much dun, hir houses burned, so we wear pre- 
vented of ani menes to atain hir. the English army Cam not 
doune as informed thay wold^ so Philop got over and thay 
could not find him. 3 days after thay came doune had a veri 
stormy night, that in the morning the foote wear disabled to 
returen before thay had refreshment, thay wear free to acsept 
as we wear willing to relive them, but [boston] trupers Sayed 
[by] 2 thear Captaine^ thay despised it and so left the foote. 
after the foote had refreshed themselefs thay allso returned 
to ther head quarters, and after hunt[ing] Philop from all sea 
shors that thay Could not tell what was becum of him, the 
naroganset kings informed us that the queen aforesaied must 
be in a thicket a starving or conformed to Philop, but thay 
knew shee wold be glad to be from them, so from us had in- 
curedgment to get hxr and as mani as thay Could from Philop. 
after the Enghsh army with out our Consent or informing us 
came into our coleny,^ broft the naroganset Indians to artickels 
of agreement to them philop being flead about a 150 Indians 
Came in to a Plimoth gareson volentarely. Plimoth authority 
sould all for slafes (but about six of them) to be Caried out of 
the Cuntry.s — [^ jg ^j^e the indians genaraly ar very barbarus 
peopell but in this war I have not herd of ther tormenting ani 

1 The "English army" refers probably to the troops from Boston. Massa- 
chusetts at first thought that trouble would be averted by mediation, but on 
June 26 troops were sent to aid the Plymouth forces. They reached Swansey 
two days later, delayed by bad weather and some small engagements. 

2 The words in brackets are conjectural; the manuscript seems to read 

' Probably Captain Thomas Prentice is meant. 

* The troops from Plymouth and Boston seem to have aroused the jealousy 
of the Rhode Islanders by their independent action. The treaty referred to is 
the so-called treaty of July 15, 1675. "Broft" means brought. 

6 After the destruction of Dartmouth or New Bedford in July, 1675, Indians 
who had no part in the attack were persuaded to surrender by promises of pro- 
tection from the whites. They were then taken to Plymouth where, as stated 
in the text, the whole party to the number of about 160 were ordered to be sold 
as slaves. It was not the only instance of the treatment here mentioned. 


but that the English army Cote an old indian and tormented 
him. he was well knone to have bine a long time a veri de- 
creped and haremless indian of the queens, as Philop flead 
the fore said queen got to the narogansets and as mani of hir 
men as shee could get, but one part of the narogansets agree- 
ment to bostun was to kill or deliver as mani as they Could of 
philops peopell, therfore bostun men demanded the fore said 
queene and others that thay had so reseved for which the 
Indians wear unfree and made mani excuses as that the queen 
was none of them and sum others wear but sudieners^ with 
philop becase removed by the English having got ther land 
and wear of ther kindred which we kno is true, not but we 
think thay did shelter mani thay should not, and that thay 
did kno sum of ther men did asist Plulop; but acording to 
ther barbarus rueUs thay acounted so was no rong or thay 
could not help it, but sum enemis heds thay did send in and 
told us thay wear informed that however when winter Came 
thay might be suer the English wold be ther enemies, and 
so thay stood doutful for about 5 months, the English wear 
jelous that ther was a genarall plot of all Indians against Eng- 
lish and the Indians wear in like maner jelous of the english. 
I think it was genarall that thay wear unwilling to be ronged 
and that the Indians do judg the English partiall against them 
and among all a philthy Crue that did desier and indever for 
war and those of ani solidety wear against it and indevered to 
prevent the war,^ for conseming Philop we have good in- 
telegenc that he advised sum English to be gon from ther out 
plases wher thay lived or thay wear in danger to be killed, but 
whether it wear to prevent a war, or by ther prests informed 
if thay begun thay should be beaten and otherwise not so we 
have good intelegenc for I do think most of them had a 
desier the English wold begin, and if the English be not care- 
full to manefest the Indians mai expect equity from them, 
thay mai have more enemies then thay wold and more Case of 
Jelosy. the report is that to the estward the war thus began, 
by suposing that sum of those Indians wear at a fight in thes 
parts and that thear thay sa a man wonded, so authority sent 
sum forth to discufer, having before disarmed those Indians 

* Sojourners. 

2 War against the Narragansetts was not declared until November. 


and confined them to a place, which the indians wear not 
ofended at, but those men Coming upon them in a warlike 
postuer thay fled that the men Cote but 3 of them, those in 
authority sent out againe to excuse them selefs, but thay could 
only cum to the spech with one man as he kept out of ther 
reach, thay excused them selefs and saied his father was not 
hurt, one of them thay had taken, he saied he could not be- 
live them, for if it wer so thay wold have broft him, thay had 
bin desaitfull to disarem them and so wold have killed them 
all, and so he run away, and then English wear killed, and the 
report is that up in the cuntri here away thay had demanded 
the indians arems and went againe to parell ^ with them and 
the indians by ambushcade tretcherously killed 8 that wear 
going to treat with them, when winter was Cum we had 
leter from bostun of the iunited Comitioners that thay wear 
resolved to reduce the narogansets to Conformity not to be 
trubled with them ani more and desiered sum help of botes and 
otherwise if we sa Case and that we should kepe secret consern- 
ing it. our govemer sent them word we wear satesfied nara- 
gansets wear tretcherous, and had ayded Philop, and as we 
had asisted to relive ther army before so we should be redy to 
asist them still, and advised that terems might be tendered 
that such might expect Cumpation^ that wold acsept not to 
ingag in war and that ther might be a seperation betwene the 
gilty and the inosent which in war Could not be expected, we 
not in the lest expecting thay wold have begun the war and 
not before proclaimed it or not give them Defianc,^ I having 
often informed the indians that English men wold not begin 
a war otherwise it was brutish so to do. i am sory so the 
indians have Case to think me desaitfull for the English thus 
began the war with the narogansets we having sent ofe our 
lesland mani indians and informed them if thay kept by the 
water sides and did not medell that how ever the English 

^ Parley. The lines following are considered by some as an unjust state- 
ment of the case of Wonolancet and the Indians in the Merrimac country, and 
the claim is made that the offense was on the side of the whites. 

2 Compensation. 

' War was declared by the Commissioners at Boston on September 9, 1675. 
In October the size of the war force was increased and Josiah Winslow of Plymouth 
placed in comimand. 


wold do them no harem alltho it was not save for us to let 
them live here, the army first take all those prisoners then 
fell upone Indian houses burned them and killed sum men. 
the war [began] without proclemation and sum of our peopell 
did not kno the English had begun mischif to the Indians and 
being Confedent and had Case therfore, that the Indians wold 
not hurt them before the English begun, so did not kepe ther 
gareson exactly, but the indians having reseved that mischif 
Came unexpected upone them destroyed 145 ^ of them be- 
side other gret lose, but the English army say thay suposed 
coneticot forses had bine there, thay solde the indians that 
thay had taken as aforesaied, for slafes, but one old man that 
was Caried of our lesland upone his suns back, he was so 
decriped Could not go and when the army tooke them upone 
his back Caried him to the garison, sum wold have had him 
devouered by doges but the tendernes of sum of them pre- 
vailed to Cut ofe his head, and after Came sudingly upone the 
indians whear the indians had prepared to defend themselefs 
and so reseved and did much mischif and for aboute six weeks 
sine hath bine spent as for both parties to recruet, and now 
the English army is out to seecke after the indians but it is 
most lickly that such most abell to do mischif will escape and 
women and children and impotent mai be destroyed and so 
the most abell will have the les incumbranc to do mischif .^ 

but I am confident it wold be best for English and indians 
that a peas wear made upone onest terems for each to have a 
dew propriety and to injoy it without opretion or iusurpation 
by one to the other, but the English dear not trust the in- 
dians promises nether the iadians to the Englishes promises 
and each have gret Case therfore. I see no way lickly but 
if a sesation from arems might be procured untill it might be 
knone what terems King Charels wold propound, for we have 
gret Case to think the naroganset kings wold trust our king 
and that thay wold have acsepted him to be umpier if it had^ 
bine tendered about ani diferanc, for we do kno the English' 
have had much contention against those indians to invaled 
the kings determenation for naroganset to be in our colony, 

^ Or perhaps the reading is 14. 

2 Compare this account of the proceedings of the summer of 1675 with that 
given in The Present State, post, pp. 29-31. 


and we have Case to think it was the greatest Case of the war 
against them, I see no menes hckly to procuer a sesation 
from arems exept the governer of new york can find a way so 
to intersete and so it will be lickly a pease mai be made with- 
out trubling our king, not but it allwais hath bine a prinsipell 
in our Colony that ther should be but one supreme to English 
men and in our natief Cuntry wher ever English have jurisdic- 
tion and so we know no English should begin a war and not 
first tender for the king to be umpier and not persecute such 
that will not Conforem to ther worship, and ther worship be 
what is not owned by the king, the king not to mind to have 
such things redresed, sum mai take it that he hath not pouer, 
and that ther mai be a wai for them to take pouer in oposition 
to him. I am so perswaided of new England prists thay ar 
so blinded by the spiret of persecution and to maintaine to 
have hyer, and to have rume to be mere hyerlings that thay 
have bine the Case that the law of nations and the law of arems 
have bine voiolated in this war, and that the war had not 
bine if ther had not bine a hyerling that for his maneging 
what he Caleth the gospell, by voiolenc to have it Chargabell 
for his gaine from his quarters and if ani in magestrasy be not 
so as ther pack horses thay will be trumpating for inovation 
or war. 

5th : 12m : 1675. Boadiesland, 

John Easton 


N. S., 167s 


If it was fitting that the first narrative in this series deal- 
ing with our early Indian wars should come from Rhode Island 
it is equally important that Massachusetts should give us our 
account of the main features of King PhiHp's war. Massa- 
chusetts was the natural leader of New England at this time, 
and she suffered and fought for the preservation of New Eng- 
land from destruction at the hands of the Indians. The three 
following accounts of the state of New England at successive 
stages of the war, together with an equally vivid narration of 
the war's conclusion, detail the most important events of its 
beginnings progress, and end. They are well placed between 
the statements of a Rhode Island Friend as to the origin of 
the trouble and the experience of a clergyman's wife during 
its continuance. 

The three letters of "N. S.," presumed to be Nathaniel 
Saltonstall, were "composed by a merchant in Boston and 
communicated to his friend in London." They were written 
in 1675 and 1676 when Saltonstall was about thirty-six years 
of age, and had been about sixteen years out of college. These 
narratives were "printed for Dorman Newman" at London 
during 1676, and with the addition of a short account by 
Richard Hutchinson of The War in New England Visibly 
Ended gave England a record of a most fierce struggle with the 
Indians, during which New England asked no military aid 
from Old England lest she be unable to free herself from the 
soldiers once they were received. Thus she gave proof of 
her desire for freedom and her willingness to protect herself 



even if she could not do away with the inevitable control 
from across the sea. The resources of Massachusetts were so 
strained by this struggle with the Indians that she was unable 
to resist successfully England's effort to take away her charters 
in 1684, thus losing her much-prized local independence for 
nearly a century. 

The tracts here printed are four out of a larger number, 
at least eight, which their writers in Boston sent over to 
friends in London, and which were there printed in 1675-1677 
as bulletins of the struggle. They are now very rare. Several 
were reprinted by Samuel G. Drake in 1836 and 1850, and the 
present four, with three others, appeared in 1867 in the second 
edition of his work called The Old Indian Chronicle. The 
four here selected give a continuous account of the war, which 
the others would duplicate in part, and to which they would 
add little. 

Longer narratives exist, written by William Hubbard, 
Increase Mather, and Thomas Church. That of Hubbard, 
minister of Ipswich, entitled Narrative of the Troubles with the 
Indians (Boston, 1677, and several times reprinted), appeared 
in 1865 in an excellent edition with notes by Samuel G. Drake. 
Selections from Hubbard's relation have been published in the 
Old South Historical Leaflets (no. 88). The experiences of 
Colonel Benjamin Church, the military hero of the war from 
the colonial point of view, were detailed by his son Thomas 
Church in a work entitled Entertaining Passages Relating to 
Philip's War (Boston, 1716, reprinted in 1865-1867, with 
elaborate notes by Dr. Henry M. Dexter), but they furnish 
no such comprehensive record as is here given. The account 
by Increase Mather in his Brief History of the War is well 
known. It is that of a clergyman primarily interested in 
religious history and treating events chiefly if not exclusively 
as regards their effect upon the New England Church. For 
this reason it is more appropriate that the record as given by 


Saltonstall and Hutchinson, having neither mihtary nor re- 
Hgious bias, should be given the central place in this volume. 
The influence of King Philip's war was primarily on the peo- 
ple as constituting a state and it should be described by a 
man of the people and of the state. Such a man was Salton- 
stall. Richard Hutchinson, nephew of Anne Hutchinson, and 
a member of the family which later gave Massachusetts a 
worthy historian and a notable governor in the person of 
Thomas Hutchinson, his relative, was a man of the same t3^e. 
His father, of the same name, was a wealthy ironmonger in 
London, and it is possible that this letter was addressed to 
him. Hutchinson the younger returned to London shortly 
after the death of Philip; his subsequent history is unknown 
to the present editor. 


The Present State of New-England With Respect to the Indian 

Wherein is an Account of the true Reason thereof, {as far as can 

be judged by Men), Together with most of the Remarkable 

Passages that have happened from the 20th of June, till the 

10th of November, 1675. 
Faithfully Composed by a Merchant of Boston and Communicated 

to his Friend in London. Licensed Decemb. 13, 1675. 

Roger U Estrange. 
London: Printed for Dorman Newman, at the Kings-Arms in 

the Poultry, and at the Ship and Anchor at the Bridg-foot on 

Southwark side, 1675.^ 

The Present State of New-England with respect to the Indian War} 

There being many and various Reports concerning the 
Causes of the present War amongst us, it may not be amiss 
in the First Place, to give you a true Account of the Reasons 
thereof; which probably may add Something to the Satisfac- 
tion of our Christian Friends in Old England, Which is thus: 

About five or six Years since, there was brought up (amongst 
others) an Indian in the Colledg at Cambridg, named Sosoman,^ 
who after some Time he had spent in Preaching the Gospel 
to Unkus,^ a Sagamore Christian in his Territories, was by 
the Authority of New-Plimouth sent to Preach in like Manner 
to King Philip, and his Indians: But King Philip (Heathen- 

^ Title-page of the original priat. 

* This narrative should not be confused with the edition of Rev. William 
Hubbard's Narrative, published in London in 1677 under the title The Present 
State of New England being A Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians, etc. 

' See ante, p. 7, note 2, and post, p. 54. 

* More commonly Uncas, the most famous of the Mohegan chiefs, who gave 
that tribe the Indian supremacy from the Connecticut River to the Thames. 



like) instead of receiving the Gospel, would immediately have 
killed this Sosomon, but by the Perswasion of some about 
him did not do it, but sent him by the Hands of three of his 
Men to Prison; who as he was going to Prison, Exhorted and 
Taught them in the Christian Religion; they not liking his 
Discourse, immediately Murthered him after a most Barbarous 
Manner; They returning to King Philip, acquainted him what 
they had done. About two or three Months after, this 
Murther being Discovered to the Authority of New-Plimouth, 
Josiah Winslow being then Governour of that Colony, care 
was taken to find out the Murtherers; who upon Search were 
found and apprehended, and after a fair Trial were all Hanged.'- 

This so Exasperated King Philip, that from that Day after, 
he studied to be Revenged on the English, judging that the 
English Authority have Nothing to do to Hang any of his 
Indians for killing another. 

In order thereunto, his first Errand is to a Squaw Sachem ^ 
(i. e. a Woman Prince, or Queen) who is the Widow of a Brother 
to King Philip, deceased, he promising her great Rewards if 
she would joyn with him in this Conspiracy, (for she is as 
Potent a Prince as any round about her, and hath as much 
Corn, Land, and Men, at her Command) she willingly con- 
sented, and was much more forward in the Design, and had 
greater Success than King Philip himself. The Place where 
this King Philip doth dwell, is on a Parcel of Land, called in 
English, Mount Hope,^ about twelve Miles long, and judged 
to be the best Land in New England : And it was about thirty 
five Miles off of this Place, to the Northward, that the first 
English that ever came there. Landed; and by Degrees built 
Houses, and called the Name of the Place New-Plimouth/ 

^ Three were sentenced but one was reprieved for a month and then shot. 

2 Increase Mather considers PhiHp's first preparations as precautionary in 
case he be called to account for the death of Sausimun. The Squaw Sachem 
was Weetamoo, "queen of Pocasset," widow of Philip's elder brother Alexander. 
" N. S." confuses her with Awashonks, a sister of Ninigret. 

3 Mount Hope, or Montop, the Indian Pokanoket in the southern part of 
the present Bristol, Rhode Island, was the headquarters of Philip during the 
first part of the war. Pocasset was in the present Tiverton. 

* This locality, called by the Indians Accomacke, was named Plymouth by 
Captain John Smith in 1614 and is so noted on his map of New England presented 
to Prince Charles. 


(because Plimouth in Old England was the last Place they were 
at there.) The English took not a Foot of Land from the 
Indians, but Bought all, and although they bought for an in- 
considerable Value; yet they did Buy it. And it may be 
judged that now King Philip repents himself, seeing what 
Product the English have made of a Wilderness, through 
their Labour, and the Blessing of God thereon; All the Land 
of the Colony of New Plimouth, was at first Bought of this 
King Philip's Grandfather,^ Massasoit, by Name, except some 
few Parcels he hath Sold to some of the Inhabitants of Swanzy, 
not far from Mount Hope. Thereupon about five Years since, 
took an Occasion to Quarrel with the Town, partly because 
he was vexed he had Sold his Land, and partly because his 
Brother died five or six Years before, and he thought the 
English had Poysoned him,^ and thereupon he troubled them, 
but killed none; but the Governour by timely Preparation 
hindred them of doing any hurt. 

Thus after King Philip had secured his Interest in Squaw 
Sachem, (whom he perswaded that the English had Poysoned 
her Husband and thereupon she was the more willing to joyn 
with him)^ he privately sent Messengers to most of the Indian 
Sagamores and Sachems round about him, telling them that 
the English had a Design to cut off all the Indians round 
about them, and that if they did not Joyn together, they 
should lose their Lives and Lands ; whereupon several Sachems 
became his Confederates. And having now five Years Time, 
had Opportunity enough to furnish themselves with Ammuni- 
tion and Arms, which they did plentifully at Canada, amongst 
the French; and it is judged that some English have also Sold 
them some Arms through Ignorance of their Design. 

In the mean Time King Philip Mustered up about Five 
Hundred of his Men, and Arms them compleat; and had 

' Philip, although second in succession, was the son and not the grandson 
of Massasoit or Woosamequen. 

2 There is no authority for the statement that Alexander was poisoned. 
The fact that he was entertained by Josiah Winslow at Marshfield shortly before 
his death may have caused the suspicion here noted. 

' Philip seems to have married a sister of the Squaw Sachem, and Alex- 
ander's widow had trouble with Petananuet or Petownonowit, her second hus- 
band. These may be reasons why she sided with Philip rather than with the 
English whom her husband favored. 


gotten about Eight or Nine Hundred of his Neighbouring 
Indians, and likewise Arms them compleat ; ^ {i. e. Guns, 
Powder, and Bullets,) but how many he hath engaged to be 
of his Party, is unknown to any among us. The last Spring 
several Indians were seen in small Parties, about Rehoboth 
and Swansey, which not a little affrighted the Inhabitants.^ 
Who demanding the Reason of them, wherefore it was so? 
Answer was made, That they were only on their own Defence, 
for they understood that the English intended to Cut them off. 
About the 20th of June last. Seven or Eight of King Philip's 
Men came to Swansey on the Lords Day, and would grind a 
Hatchet at an Inhabitants House there; the Master told 
them, it was the Sabbath Day, and their God would be very- 
angry if he should let them do it. They returned this Answer, 
They knew not who his God was, and that they would do it 
for all him, or his God either. From thence they went to 
another House, and took away some Victuals, but hurt no 
Man. Immediately they met a Man travelling on the Road, 
kept him in Custody a short Time, then dismist him quietly; 
giving him this Caution, that he should not work on his 
God's Day, and that he should tell no Lies. 

These Things happening, with many others of the like 
Nature, gave the Rehoboth and Swansey Men great Cause of 
Jealousies; which occasioned them to send to Plimouth, and 
to the Bay (i. e. Boston) for some Assistance, in Case they 
should need it. But before any came to them, they of both 
Towns were gathered together into three Houses, Men, Women, 
and Children, and there had all Provisions in common, so that 
they who had Nothing wanted not. Immediately after, 
Notice came hereof to the Governour of the Massachusets 
Colony, (Boston being Metropolis, and the Honourable John 
Leveret^ Governour thereof.) Drums beat up for Volunteers, 
and in three Hours Time were Mustered up about an Hundred 

^ Great efforts had been made to obtain arms and ammunition from the 
Indians, e. g., at Taunton in 1671, and communication between Indians and 
French was not intimate at this time. It is doubtful therefore if anything like 
the number of Indians here mentioned were armed "compleat." 

^ Swansey (or Swansea), "the next town to Philip's coilntry," and Rehoboth 
(or Seaconke), six miles away, might well be alarmed. The former was said to 
consist "of forty dwelling houses, most of them very fair buildings." 

' Leverett is the more usual spelling. 


and ten Men, Captain Samuel Mosely being their Commander.^ 
This Captain Mosely hath been an old Privateer at Jamaica, 
an excellent Souldier, and an undaunted Spirit, one whose 
Memory will be Honourable in New-England, for his many 
eminent Services he hath done the Publick. There were also 
among these Men, about Ten or Twelve Privateers, that had 
been there sometime before: They carried with them several 
Dogs, that proved serviceable to them, in finding out the 
Enemy in their Swamps; one whereof, would for several Days 
together, go out and bring to them six, eight, or ten young 
Pigs of King Philip's Herds. There went out also amongst 
these Men, one Cornellis^ a Dutchman, who had lately been 
Condemned to die for Piracy, but afterwards received a 
Pardon; he willing to shew his Gratitude therefore, went out 
and did several good Services abroad against the Enemy. 

Plimouth also sent out several Men at the same Time, both 
Horse and Foot: Also most Towns in all the United Colonies 
thereabout sent out some more, some less, as they were in 
Number. By this Time the Indians have killed several of 
our Men, but the first that was killed was June 23, a, Man at 
Swansey, that he and his Family had left his House amongst 
the Rest of the Inhabitants; and adventuring with his Wife 
and Son, (about twenty Years old) to go to his House to fetch 
them Corn, and such like Things : He having just before sent 
his Wife and Son away, as he was going out of the House, was 
set on and shot by Indians; his Wife being not far off, heard 
the Guns go off, went back: They took her, first defiled her, 
then skinned her Head, as also the Son, and dismist them both, 
who immediately died.^ They also the next Day killed six 
or seven Men at Swansey, and two more at one of the Garri- 

1 Captain Moseley (or Mosley) was not the only aid from the East coming in 
reply to Rhode Island's appeal. Massachusetts sent Captains Daniel Henchman, 
Thomas Prentice, and Nicholas Paige on June 26, and the forces from Plymouth 
under Major James Cudworth, Captains Matthew Fuller and Benjamin Church 
reached Taunton June 21. 

2 The full name is Cornelius Consert. 

3 Hubbard mentions "one Jones" as among the first six persons killed in 
the war, but omits the incidents relating to the family. In the absence of cor- 
roborative evidence we shall do well to reject the details here given. The ravish- 
ing of captured white women was not the practice of the seventeenth-century 


sons; and as two Men that went out of one of the Garrisons 
to draw a Bucket of Water^ were shot and carried away, and 
afterwards found with their Fingers and Feet cut off, and the 
Skin of their Heads flayed off. 

About fourteen Days after that, they sent for more Help; 
whereupon the Authority of Boston, made Captain Thomas 
Savage the Major General in that Expedition, who with sixty 
Horse, and as many Foot,^ went out of Boston; having prest 
Horses for the Footmen, and six Carts to carry Provisions 
with them: Whereof Mr. John Morse was Commissary Gen- 
eral abroad, and Mr. Nathaniel Williams Commissary at 
Home. 2 They Travelled Day and Night till they came to 
their Garrisons, and within three Days after, marched Horse 
and Foot (leaving Guards in the Garrisons) towards Mount 
Hope, where King Philip and his Wife was; they came on 
him at unawares, so that Philip was forced to rise from Dinner, 
and he and all with him fled out of that Land, called Mount 
Hope, up further into the Countrey; they pursued them as 
far as they could go for Swamps, and killed fifteen or sixteen 
in that Expedition, and returned, and took what he had that 
was worth taking, and spoiled the Rest, taking all his Cattel 
and Hogs they could find, and also took Possession of Mount 
Hope, which had then a thousand Acres under Corn, which 
is since cut down by the English, and disposed of according 
to their Discretion. 

Cornellis was in this Exploit, and pursued Philip so hard, 
that he got his Cap off his Head, and now weareth it. 

About three Days after, the General (finding Cornellis to 
be a Stout Man, and willing to venture, his Life in the Cause 
of the English) sent him with twelve Men under his Command 
to Scout about, with Orders to return in three-Hours on Pain 
of Death ; in his Way he met sixty Indians that were hailing 
their Cannoues a-shore, he set on them, kllKng thirteen, and 
took eight alive, pursues the Rest as far ashecould go for the 
Swamps; then he returned and Burnt all those Cannoues, 
about forty in Number: By this Time Cornellis and his 
twelve Men (all being preserved) returned to the Camp, but 

^ The size of Captain Savage's force varies according to different accounts 
from that here given to 380. 

2 John Morse and Nathaniel Williams were both prominent citizens of Boston. 


they were eight Hours absent: Whereupon a Council of War 
was called, who past the Sentence of Death on him, for ex- 
ceeding the Order given him. Immediately was also Par- 
doned, and received thanks for his good Service done in that 
Expedition; and was in a short Time sent out on the like 
Design, and brought Home with him twelve Indians alive, 
and two Indians Heads {i. e., the Skin with the Hair on it.) 

About the 25th of July, the General returned with twelve 
Men to guard his Person. 

Captain Mosely being there, and plying about, found 
Eighty Indians, who surrendered themselves, and were secured 
in a House provided for them near Plimouth: Thereupon 
came to Boston, to know the Pleasure of the Authority about 
them, and in a Days Time returned with this Order; he should 
kill none that he took alive, but secure them in Order to a 
Transportation; Wherefore afterwards there were Shipt on 
board Captain Sprague^ an Hundred seventy eight Indians, 
on:the 28th of September, bound for Cales.^ 

In this Time, the Indians continued daily to commit 
many Acts of Hostility on the English; they Burnt Twenty 
three Houses at Swansey, and killed many People there, and 
took much Cattle, as also Burnt the Hay and Corn in great 
Quantities. They Burnt near thirty Houses in Dartmouth,* 
(a Place in New-Plimouth Colony) killing many People after 
a most Barbarous Manner; as skinning them all over alive, 
some only their Heads, cutting off their Hands and Feet; but 
any Woman they take alive, they Defile, afterwards putting 
her to Death by some of these or the like Ways. They have 
Burnt most of the Houses in Rehoboth, Taunton, and Swansey; 
a Party of Indians came to Mendham, which is Thirty-two 
Miles from Boston, and there killed five or six Persons, who 
being pursued, two were killed, the Rest fled.^ 

^ This statement may refer to the return of Savage to Boston, but more 
probably alludes to that of Cudworth to Scituate. 

2 Probably Captain Richard Sprague of Charlestown, Massachusetts. 

' The Indians may be the women and children left by Philip upon his 
escape from the swamp. Cales is Cadiz in Spain. 

* Dartmouth, which included the present New Bedford, The part of the 
town suffering most is now known as South Dartmouth. 

5 Mendon was surprised on July 14, 1675, the first place in the Massa- 
chusetts Bay to be assaulted. 


Some Part of our Forces afterwards set on about Five 
hundred Indians, not far from Pocassit, pursuing them into 
a large Swamp, not far from thence; how many they killed is 
not known, in regard the Indians adventured back and took 
their dead Men away with them: (as they commonly do if 
they can possibly.) But in this Fight were killed King 
Philip's Brother, his Privy Councellor, (being one formerly 
Educated at Cambridg) and one of his chief Captains; the 
Heads of which three were afterwards brought to Boston. 
There were killed in this Pursuit six Englishmen, and nine 
or ten wounded.^ 

This Pocassit Swamp, is judged about seven or eight Miles 
long, and so full of Bushes and Trees, that a Parcel of Indians 
may be within the Length of a Pike of a Man, and he cannot 
discover them; and besides, this as well as all other Swamps, 
is so soft Ground, that an Englishman can neither go nor 
stand thereon, and yet these bloody Savages will run along 
over it, holding their Guns cross their Arms (and if Occasion 
be) discharge in that Posture. 

On the Lords Day, the of July, an Indian came to 
Dorchester, (within half a Mile of Mother Georges House) to 
the House of Mr. Minor, in Sermon Time, and there were 
then at Home the Maid Servant and two young Children, she 
keeping the Door shut for Safety; the Indian when he saw he 
could not come in at the Door, went about to come in at the 
Window, she perceiving his Resolution, took two Brass Kettles, 
under which she put the two Children, she ran up Stairs and 
charged a Musket and fired at the Indian, (he having fired at 
her, once or twice and mist her, but struck the Top of one 
Kettle, under which a child was) and shot him into his Shoulder; 
then he let his Gun fall, and was just coming in at the Window, 
she made haste and got a Fire-shovel full of live Coles and 
applied them to his Face, which forced him to flie and escape : 
But one was found dead within five Miles of that Place after- 
wards, and was judged to be this by his scalded Face. 

1 No other contemporary writer gives these details and "N. S." unites 
several occurrences into one engagement. Philip had a brother Sonconewhew 
who signed a deed for him in 1668 and who may have been one of the Indians 
educated at Cambridge. Pocasset was in modern Tiverton and Little Comp- 
ton, Rhode Island. 


These Transactions may be computed to end with July. 
Before any further Progress be made in this Relation^ it may 
not be amiss to give you some Account of what concerns our 
Neighbour Indians at Peace with us. 

There are two Potent Sagamores, that are in Amity with 
us: The one is Ninnicroft/ his Territories border on Con- 
necticot Colony; the other is Unkus, the only Christian Saga- 
more among them. 

This Unkus, and all his Subjects professing Christianity, 
are called Praying Indians. In the first Week in August, the 
Authority of Boston sent an Express to him, to require him 
to come in and Surrender himself. Men, and Arms, to the 
English; Whereupon, he sent along with the Messenger his 
three Sons, and about Sixty of his Men, with his Arms, to be 
thus disposed of, viz. His two youngest Sons, (about thirty 
Years old) to remain as Hostages (as now they do at Cambridg) 
and his Eldest Son to go Captain of the Men as Assistants to 
the English against the Heathens, which accordingly they did. 
And the English not thinking themselves yet secure enough, 
because they cannot know a Heathen from a Christian by his 
Visage, nor Apparel: The Authority of Boston, at a Council 
held there the 30th of August, Published this following 

At a Council held in Boston, August 30, 1675. 

The Council judging it of absolute Necessity for the Security 
of the English, and the Indians that are in Amity with us, that they 
be Restrained their usual Commerce with the English, and Hunting 
in the Woods, during the Time of Hostility with those that are our 

Do Order, that all those Indians that are desirous to Approve 
themselves Faithful to the English, be Confined to their several 
Plantations under-written, until the Council shall take further 
Order; and that they so order the setting of their Wigwams, that 

^ Ninnicroft or Ninigret was chief of the Eastern Niantic Indians, seated 
between the Pawcatuck River and Point Judith; their chief town was Wekapaug, 
now Westerly, Rhode Island. ' The Niantics are considered a division of the 
Narragansetts and Ninigret professed friendship for Rhode Island. For Unkus 
see ante, p. 24. His best-known sons were Oneko (Owaneco) and Attawam- 
hood or Joshua. 


they may stand Compact in some one Part of their Plantations re- 
spectively, where it may be best for their own Provision and Defence. 
And that none of them do presume to Travel above one Mile from 
the Center of such their Dwelling, unless in Company with some 
English, or in their Service near their Dwellings; and excepting for 
gathering and fetching in their Corn with one Englishman, on peril 
of being taken as our Enemies, or their Abettors: And in Case that 
any of them shall be taken without the Limits abovesaid, except as 
abovesaid, and do lose their Lives, or be otherwise damnified, by 
English or Indians; The Council do hereby Declare, that they shall ac- 
count themselves wholly Innocent, and their Blood or other Dammage 
(by them sustained) will be upon their own Heads. Also it shall not 
be lawful for any Indians that are in Amity with us, to entertain any 
strange Indians, or receive any of our Enemies Plunder, but shall 
from Time to Time make Discovery thereof to some English, that 
shall be Appointed for that End to sojourn among them, on Penalty 
of being reputed our Enemies, and of being liable to be proceeded 
against as such. 

Also, whereas it is the Manner of the Heathen that are now in 
Hostility with us, contrary to the Practice of all Civil Nations, to 
Execute their bloody Insolencies by Stealth, and Sculking in small 
Parties, declining all open Decision of their Controversie, either by 
Treaty or by the Sword, 

The Council do therefore Order, That after the Publication of the 
Provision aforesaid. It shall be lawful for any Person, whether Eng- 
lish or Indian, that shall find any Indians Travelling or Sculking in 
any of our Towns or Woods, contrary to the Limits above-named, to 
command them under their Guard and Examination, or to Kill and 
destroy them as they best may or can. The Council hereby declar- 
ing. That it will be most acceptable to them that none be Killed or 
Wounded that are Willing to surrender themselves into Custody. 

The Places of the Indians Residencies are, Natick, Punquapaog, 
Nashoba, Wamesit, and Hassanemesit: ^ And if there be any that 
belong to any other Plantations, they are to Repair to some one of 

*" By the Council. 

Edward Rawson. Seer. 

^ These "Indian Residences" correspond to the modern Natick (Natchick), 
"The First Praying Town"; Punkapog or Punquapaog, now Canton, called by 
Gookin "The Second Praying Town"; Nashoba, later Lancaster, now Littleton; 
Wamesit, included in old Chelmsford, now in Lowell, and Hassanemesit, now 
Grafton. All these refuges were in the Massachusetts Bay colony. See Mrs. 
Rowlandson on Praying Indians, post, pp. 140, 152. 


Which Company of Praying Indians '^ marched out of 
Town, (having saluted the Governour with three Volleys) 
and were appointed to march in the Front, which they did, 
and met with several Skirmishes, in which they Killed some, 
and about Forty five more Surrendred themselves; which 
were shipt off amongst those Captain Sprague carried away. 

Concerning the Narragansets, Ninnicroft is their Saga- 
more; his Grand-father, and Father, always kept Truce with 
the English, but he now gives sufficient Cause to think other- 
wise of him. 

The Squaw Sachem, having ran very far in her Engage- 
ments with King Philip, and fearing lest she should be taken, 
she committed her Person to the Possession of this Ninnicroft, 
judging herself safe by Virtue of his Protection; where she 
hath continued ever since July last. Whereupon a certain 
Number of Men were sent by the Authority of Connecticot 
Colony (John Wenthrop Governour) to the Narragansets,^ to 
require them to deliver the Queen, and withal to Ratifie that 
long Peace they had maintained with the English: Whereupon 
the Narragansets concluded a Peace with them, and sent a 
Hundred Men to Connecticot for the Assistance of the Eng- 
lish. The English made this Agreement with them, That for 
every Indians Head-Skin they brought, they should have a 
Coat, (i. e. two Yards of Trucking Cloth, worth five Shillings 
per Yard here) and for every one they bring alive two Coats; 
for King Philips Head, Twenty Coats, and if taken alive. 
Forty Coats: These went out, and returned in Fourteen Days 
Time, bringing with them about Eighteen Heads in all. 

Several other Sachems of the Countries, called in Indian, 
Nipmoog,^ came to an English Town called Brookfield (but in 
Indian, Quawbawg), during the Time our Garrison was there, 
and told them they were Praying Indians (^. e. Christians) 

^ Oneko and his following of Mohegans, by no means all Christian Indians. 

2 John Winthrop, jr., governor of Connecticut 1657, 1659-1676. I find no 
other contemporary account of this important movement by Connecticut unless 
it be identified with the treaty of July 15. There is however no record of spoils 
and captives in connection with that treaty. 

3 The Nipmoog or Nipmuck, i. e., Fresh Water, Indians had no clearly de- 
fined location. Roughly they extended in Massachusetts east of the Connecti- 
cut River down the Blackstone or Nipmoog River and over a section east of 
northern Rhode Island. 


and that they would be quiet, and do no Harm to the English; 
but withal, told them, that for their own Safety they could 
not deliver up their Arms: But the Inhabitants of Brookfield 
thought they would be Faithful, in regard they were Praying 
Indians, took their Words and dismist them. 

The Authority of Boston, with the Advice of the Gover- 
nour of Connecticut, as also of Plimouth Colonies, then sit- 
ting in Council for several Days together at Boston,^ For their 
better Satisfaction, sent a Party of thirty Horse under the 
Command of Captain Hutchison and Captain Wheeler; ^ 
when they were come to Quawbawg, they sent a Party of 
Horse to the Nipmoog Sachems to treat with them. (For you 
must understand that Captain Hutchison had a very consid- 
erable Farm therabouts, and had Occasion to employ several 
of those Sachems there, in Tilling and Plowing his Ground, and 
thereby he was known by Face to many of them.) The Sachems 
sent this Word, they would speak with none but Captain 
Hutchison himself; Whereupon Captain Hutchison and Cap- 
tain Wheeler sent them Word they would come to them 
themselves: Accordingly the Indians appointed the Meeting 
at such a Tree, and at such a Time. The Time being come 
Captain Hutchison, Captain Wheeler, and his Company, 
(with some of the Inhabitants of Brookfield, who thought 
them to be very Honest, therefore took no Arms with them) 
went to the Places, but the Nipmoog Indians were not there. 
Whereupon the Guide ^ that conducted them through the 
Woods, brought them to a Swamp not far off the appointed 
Place; out of which these Indians ran all at once and killed 
Sixteen Men, and Wounded Several others, of which Wounds 
three Weeks after. Captain Hutchison died, when his Wife 
and Son^ were within twelve Miles of him in their Journey to 
see him; whose Death is the more lamented, in that his 

^ This was a meeting of the Commissioners of the United Colonies begin- 
ning October 2, 1675. 

2 Captains Edward Hutchinson and Thomas Wheeler. Perhaps the best 
contemporary account of the battle and defence of Brookfield is in Captain 
Wheeler's True Narrative of the Lord's Providences (Cambridge, 1676); see post, 
p. 38. 

3 The guides were Christian Indians. 

* Presumably Elisha Hutchinson, grandfather of Thomas Hutchinson the 
governor and historian. 


Mother and several others of his Relations^ died by the Hands 
of the Indians, now near forty Years since. '^^ 

The rest that escaped, made what Haste they could to the 
Town of Brookfield, they made Choice of the Strongest House 
there, resolved to make a Garrison of it; in Order thereunto, 
as soon as they could, got all the People (about eighty in 
Number) into this House. The Indians pursued them close, 
and in four Hours Time had Burnt twenty and odd Houses in 
Brookfield, and abode there about three or four Days, shoot- 
ing Day and Night, with most dreadful Screechings and Yell- 
ings, which Signified their Triumph. They in this Time en- 
deavoured to set the Garrison on Fire divers Times, but by 
the Providence of God were prevented; once by a Shower of 
Rain, another Time by their Diligence within. One from 
within stept out to drink some Water and was killed, and one 
more killed within. The Bruits had contrived an Engine 
with many Wheels to fire the Garrison ten or twelve Rod off, 
and had loaded it with Combustibles therefore, (and News 
was brought to Boston that they were all Burnt, but it was 
not so) and had assuredly done it, had not Major Willard^ 
come to their Relief with a flying Army of Sixty Horse, at 
nine or ten a Clock at Night; They forced their Way through 
the Body of the Indians, and fired Apace on them and in two 
Hours Time wholly Routed the Indians thence, killing several. 
Thus Deliverance was wrought by a mighty Hand for them, 
when they had no outward Reason to expect any. 

During the Time these People kept themselves in that 
House, two Women were safely delivered of two Sons apiece, 
who in a Months Time brought them all themselves on Foot 
to Boston, where they were plentifully relieved out of the 
Church Stock there. 

There are also another Sort of Indians, best known to the 
Commonalty of Boston by the name of Mr. Elliots Indians, 
or Captain Guggins Indians.^ This Mr. Elliot, you must 

1 The celebrated Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, murdered by the Indians at Pelham 
Neck, New York, in 1643. 

2 Simon Willard, father of Rev. Samuel Willard, minister of the Old South 
Church in Boston and president of Harvard College. 

' Rev. John Eliot, minister of Roxbury, and Apostle to the Indians; and 
Daniel Gookin, later major-general, who cared diligently for the Indians, and 
whose writings furnish our best description of those of Massachusetts. 



understand; is the Man that hath by his own great Labour 
and Study, invented the Way of Printing the Indian Language, 
and hath also perfectly translated the whole Bible, with the 
Singing Psalms in Meeter; the Assemblies Catechism; the 
Practice of Piety, into the Indian Language; as also Written 
Several Books, very profitable for understanding the Grounds 
of Christian Religion; For which Pains and Labour, he de- 
serves Honour from all such who are well-wishers to Things of 
the like Nature, whose Name will never Die in New-England. 
A Specimen of his Translation of the Bible into the Indian 
Language, is as foUoweth. 

Isaiah, Chap. 23, Ver. 1, 2, 3. 

O O Weanuln Tyre. O 
Onook kenaau Tarshishe kuht 
oonogquog,newutche mahchimoo, 
newaj matta wetuwomunoog, 
wanne petutteaun: wutch Chit- 
timme ohkeit nag wehteduwahu- 

2 Chequnappek wadohkeo- 
gish munohhanebtu, ken, Zidone 
anaquishaenuog neg quoshkod 
teacheg keitoh, kenumwame chu- 

3 Kah nashpe mishe nip- 
peash, wuskannem Sihor, sepue 
kepenumoonk ne wutteashege- 
noom, kah noh wutohtimoinne 
ahhut kod tauwompasimuk.^ 

The burden of Tyre. Howl 
ye Ships of Tarshish; for it is laid 
waste, so that there is no house, 
no entering into it : from the Land 
of Chittim is it revealed to them. 

2 Be still, ye Inhabitants of 
the Isle; thou whom the Mer- 
chants of Zidon that pass over the 
Sea, have replenished. 

3 And by great Waters the 
Seed of Sihor, the Harvest of the 
River, is her Revenue, and she is 
a Mart of Nations. 

This Captain Guggins is a Captain and Justice of Peace at 
Cambridg: He receives Thirty Pound per annum from the 
English, to sit as Judg among the Indians, to Judg any Differ- 
ence (not Capital) among themselves, or between them and 
the English. 

Of these Indians, thus distinguished, it may not be amiss 
to give a brief Account, in its proper Place. 

Now it falls in Course, to think on what is done in the 
Field on both Sides. 

^ Corrected iato accord with the edition of 1663. 


On Thursday, the 5th of August, being Lecture Day at 
Boston, was ordered by the Old Church^ (of which the Gov- 
ernour is a Member) to be observed as a Fast by that Church, 
which accordingly was done: And at the Contribution was 
then collected Sixty Nine Pound, which was for the distressed 
Families Relief. And on that very Day was Captain Hutch- 
inson's Company so defeated : Which Thing was taken especial 
Notice of, by all those who desire to see the Hand of God in 
such sad Providences, which did occasion another Fast to be 
kept by Mr. Mathers Church, at the North Meetinghouse the 
Wednesday following.^ 

On Wednesday, the 12th of August, was appointed a Fast 
for Mr. Mathers Church, which was duly observed ; that Day 
being a Court Day for the Council, no Magistrate was there, 
yet notwithstanding there were gathered at the Contribution 
sixty eight Pound. 

Mr. Mather in his Sermon, took Occasion too in speaking 
of the Benefit of Communion with God, to tell us that there 
are in this Colony seventy nine gathered Churches, and that 
to this Day the Indians had not done any Dammage to any 
Thing that belonged to any of the Places where these Churches 

August coming on, we have now from all Parts raised more 
Men, so that there are now in the Field in several Places, six 
hundred Horse and Foot: Most of the Army were not far 
from the Swamp wherein King Philip with all his People were, 
they resolved to compass it, which they did once: And in 
their second Encounter, forced King Philip with all his Retinue 
out of the Swamp, and pursued them; in their Pursuit they 
killed his Lieutenant General, with about twenty (that they 
saw) of his Men, and the English had not the Loss of one 
Man, but two wounded. We having all this while a Party of 
Unkus's Indians in the Field on our Side.' 

1 The "Old Church" was the First Church, James Allen, minister. Increase 
Mather and his son Cotton officiated at the Second or North Church. 

2 The defeat mentioned was at Quaboag (Quabaog or Wickabaug) Pond, 
Brookfield, Massachusetts, on Monday, August 2. The news reached Boston 
later, which may have caused the confusion in dates given by "N. S." in the text. 
Wednesday, the fast day, fell on August 11. 

' An incorrect impression of Philip's escape is here given. Philip had been 
driven from Mount Hope June 28-29, and had fled to Pocasset swamp. The 


About the 15th of August, Captain Moseley with sixty- 
Men, met with a Company, judged about three hundred 
Indians, in a plain Place where few Trees were, and on both 
Sides Preparations were making for a Battle; all being ready 
on both Sides to fight. Captain Moseley plucked off his Peri- 
wig, and put it into his Breeches, because it should not hinder 
him in fighting. As soon as the Indians saw that, they fell a 
Howling and Yelling most hideously, and said, Vmh, Umh me 
no stawmerre fight Engismon, Engismon got two Hed, Engismon 
got two Hed; if me cut off un Hed, he got noder, a put on heder 
as dis; with such like Words in broken English, and away 
they all fled and could not be overtaken, nor seen any more 
afterwards. About a Week after this, Capt. Moseley took 
two Indians, the Father and his Son, and willing to examine 
them both apart, proceeded thus: Took the old Man and 
bound him to a Tree, after he was so bound, he sent away the 
Son by a File of Men out of Sight; the old Man there confessed 
he was a Praying Indian, and that he was only hunting for 
Deer thereabouts, but said that his Son was one of those Men 
that wounded Capt. Hutchinson: So then, after they had 
pumped him as much as they could, they fired a Gun with no 
Bullet in it over his Head, untied him, and sent him another 
Way with a File out Sight; then brought they his Son, bound 
in like Manner, they telling him that they had shot his Father, 
and would shoot him also, if he would not confess what he 
was, and what he knew: He fairly told them, that he was a 
Praying Indian, but his Father made him go with him to the 
Nipmoog Indians, and that there they shot three or four 
Times a Piece; whereupon they then brought the old Man 
and tied him to his Son, and Examined them together, at 
Length they confest they were both among the Nipmoogs, 
and that the Son did wound Captain Hutchison; after their 
Examination, they were both shot to Death. 

In this same Week, King Philips Men had taken a Young 

Nipmucks had attacked Mendon July 14, one day prior to the peace with the 
Narragansetts made by Massachusetts and Connecticut. A union of Philip 
and the Nipmucks was the one thing to be prevented, but he escaped on Sunday, 
August 1. The death of Woonashum or Nimrod, his lieutenant, and the scarcity 
of provisions in the camps, were insuflScient compensation for this misfortune. 
See p. 63, post. 


Lad alive about fourteen Years old, and bound him to a Tree 
two Nights and two Days, intending to be Merry with him 
the next Day, and that they would Roast him alive to make 
Sport with him; but God over Night, touched the Heart of 
one Indian so that he came and loosed him, and bid him run 
Grande, {i. e. run Apace) and by that Means he escaped. 

Towards the latter End of August, Captain Moseley took 
eight Indians alive, and sent them Prisoners to Boston, who 
were put in Prison there; these were of the Number of Mr. 
Elliot's Indians; (as also many of those Indians that were 
shipt off by Captain Sprague, for the Straits and Cales). These 
Men were at several Times tried for their Lives, and con- 
demned to die : Mean Time Mr. Elliot and Captain Guggins,^ 
pleaded so very hard for the Indians, that the whole Council 
knew not what to do about them. They hearkened to Mr. 
Elliot for his Gravity, Age, and Wisdom, and also for that he 
hath been the chief Instrument that the Lord hath made use 
of, in Propagating the Gospel among the Heathen; And was 
their Teacher, till the Time that some Indians were brought 
up in the University to supply his place. But for Captain 
Guggins, why such a wise Council as they, should be so over- 
borne by him cannot be judged otherwise than because of his 
daily troubling them with his Impertinences and multitudinous 
Speeches, in so much that it was told him on the Bench, by a 
very worthy Person (Capt. Oliver 2) there present, that he 
ought rather to be confined among his Indians, than to sit on 
the Bench; his taking the Indians Part so much hath made 
him a Byword both among Men and Boys. But so it was, 
that by one and two at a Time most of these eight Indians 
(and four more sent afterwards on the same Account) were let 
loose by Night, which so Exasperated the Commonalty, that 
about the 10th of September, at nine O'clock at Night, there 
gathered together about forty Men (some of Note) and came 
to the House of Captain James Oliver; two or three of them 
went into the Entry to desire to speak with him, which was to 
desire him to be their Leader, and they should joyn together 
and go break open the Prison, and take one Indian out thence 
and Hang him: Captain Oliver hearing their Request, took 
his Cane and cudgelled them stoutly, and so for that Time 

^ See ante, p. 36, note 3. ^ James, son of Thomas Oliver of Boston. 


dismist the Company; which had he but in the least coun- 
tenanced, it might have been accompanied with ill Events 
in the End. Immediately Captain Oliver went and acquainted 
Mr. Ting^ his Neighbor, (a Justice of Peace) and they both 
went next Morning and acquainted the Governour, who 
thank'd Captain Oliver for what he had done last Night, but 
this rested not here; For the Commonalty were so enraged 
against Mr. Elliot, and Captain Guggins especially, that Cap- 
tain Guggins said on the Bench, that he was afraid to go along 
the Streets; the Answer was made, you may thank yourself; 
however an Order was issued out for the Execution of that one 
(notorious above the rest) Indian, and accordingly he was led 
by a Rope about his Neck to the Gallows ; when he came there, 
the Executioners (for there were many) flung one End over 
the Post, and so hoised him up like a Dog, three or four 
Times, he being yet half alive and half dead; then came an 
Indian, a Friend of his, and with his Knife made a Hole in 
his Breast to his Heart, and sucked out his Heart-Blood: 
Being asked his Reason therefore, his Answer, Umh, Umh nu, 
Me stronger as I was before, me be so strong as me and he too, 
he be ver strong Man fore he die. 

Thus with the Dog-like Death (good enough) of one poor 
Heathen, was the Peoples Rage laid in some Measure, but in a 
short Time it began to work (not without Cause enough). 
About the beginning of September, Captain Hinksman^ was 
sent out Commander of one hundred Men, and were to meet 
together at Roxbury Meeting-House-Yard ; when they were 
there, ready to March, they all unanimously resolved not to 
go with him, but if Captain Oliver would go, they would go 
gladly; whereupon the Council sent for him Home, and sent 
Captain Lake in his Room. 

On Wednesday August 25, was observed a Fast at Charles- 
Town whereto several of Boston went, there was gathered that 
Day Seventy eight Pound. 

1 Edward Tyng. The Indian mentioned appears to have been "Little 
John," who had been accused of a murder at Taunton. 

2 Captain Daniel Henchman of Worcester. He was not sufficiently blood- 
thirsty to satisfy the popular clamor against the Indians. The change in com- 
manders appears to have prevented the expedition. Captain Thomas Lake 
was killed by Indians a little later at Arrowsick Island in the Kennebec. 


King Philip now beginning to want Money (having a Coat 
made all of Wampampeag, {i. e. Indian Money) cuts his Coat 
to Pieces, and distributes it Plentifully among the Nipmoog 
Sachems and others, as well as to the Eastward as Southward, 
and all round about. This gives Occasion to suspect that the 
Narragansets may also be Bribed, who are out on our Side, in 
that they follow not Orders to pursue King Philip effectually. 

Captain Lathrop, and Captain Beers,^ being at Hadly, 
and there hearing of an Indian Castle not far thence, they 
marched with an Hundred and eighty Souldiers thither, who 
required the Indians to surrender their Arms; the Indians 
told Captain Beers, that they would the next Morning. But 
the Captains with their Men soon made themselves Masters 
thereof, forcing them into a Swamp, having killed nine or ten, 
they retreated. 

By this Time the Town of Deerfield begins to be in Danger; 
Whereupon Captain Beers with eighty Men went to bring 
away the People, the Inhabitants thereof, the Indians having 
Burnt twenty five Houses; in their Way, they were met with 
by a Parcel of Indians of about a hundred and Sixty, which 
the English got the better of, killing near Forty Indians, 
having lost but four or five Englishmen i^ But immediately 
there did appear the greatest Body that hath at one Time been 
seen by the English, and fell upon Captain Beers, immediately 
killing him and sixty five of his Men, and fifteen escaped;' 
these fifteen ran to Captain Moseley, who then was about nine 
or ten Miles off, he came with his sixty Men and gave the 
whole Body of the Indians Battel (judged about one thousand 
two hundred), for three Hours; whereupon after having killed 

1 Thomas Lathrop and Richard Beers. 

"This "Sugar Loaf Hill" fight was at Deerfield, Massachusetts, August 
26, 1675. Hadley, near the Connecticut, had been selected as English head- 
quarters soon after the affair at Brookfield. Located on a bend of the river, 
Hadley was readily defended against the Indians, easy of access for friends and 
had good facilities for protecting the adjacent country. " N. S." has pressed into 
small compass and confused events covering several days. More correct details 
are in Hubbard, Mather, and the Massachusetts Archives. 

' The whole account is exaggerated. Hubbard states that but 19 men were 
killed with Captain Beers, and the number of Indians is overestimated. The 
person in Captain Mosely's company preserved so wonderfully was Robert Dutch, 
a townsman of Hubbard, but the latter does not mention the agency of an In- 
dian in this preservation. 


several of the Indians, he was forced to Retreat, and continued 
Fighting for all the Time that he and his Men were Retreat- 
ing nine Miles; Captain Moseley lost out of his Company nine, 
and thirteen wounded. The next Day they came up again, 
the Indians were gone, they had stript the dead Men of all 
their Clothes and Arms, and Horses; amongst which dead, 
was one who had Life in him, and was found by a Friend 
Indian, he took him up and said, Umh, umh poo Ingismon, 
mee save yow Life, mee take yow to Captain Mosee; he carries 
him fifteen Miles the Day after to Captain Moseley, and now 
this Man is well again and in good Health. 

Immediately Orders were taken at Boston for the sending 
out new Relief; as many as to make up Captain Moselys 
Company an Hundred compleat, were forthwith sent away: 
They are fitting out an Hundred more from Connecticot, 
under the Command of Major Treat, and Captain Whiting ^ 
the Minister of Hartford. 

{^eptember 10, Eight Indians came to Boston from Ninni- 
croft, in an Embassy, having a Certificate from Captain 
Smith an Englishman,^ that hath a large Estate thereabouts. 
They dispatched their Business, and had another Pass, tied 
at the End of a Stick, that Englishmen may see it afar off. 
They were going out of Town a back Way, two Men met 
them and seized on him that had the Pass; these two Men 
were Brothers, and this Indian had been among King Philip's 
Indians, and these two Men Swore in Court that that was the 
Man that killed their Brother, they knew him; whereupon 
two Days after his Trial and Confession, he was Hanged like 
the other.' 

September 23. About ten at Night we had an Allarm 
given us, and before eleven we had one Thousand two Hun- 
dred Men in Arms, and dismist by twelve that Night: The 
Occasion was, one of the Watch was Drunk about thirty Miles 
off at Mendham, and he fired a Gun, so it came to Boston; 
the next Morning he paid ten Shillings, and sate Hours in the 

1 Robert Treat and John Whiting. The Commissioners of the United 
Colonies met at Boston September 9, 1675, declared war against the Indians, 
and agreed to raise 1,000 soldiers, one-half to be dragoons. 

2 Richard Smith, of Wickford, Rhode Island, long a resident of the Nar- 
ragansett country. 


Stocks for his being Drunk, and afterwards had twenty Lashes 
for giving a false AUarm. 

On the 28th Day of August, happened here at eleven a 
Clock at Night, a most violent Storm of Wind and Rain, the 
Like was never known before; it blew up many Ships together 
that they Bulged one another, some up towards Cambridge, 
some to Muddy-River, doing much Hurt to very many; also 
it broke down many Wharffs, and blew down some Houses 
thereupon. The Indians afterwards reported that they had 
caused it by their Pawwaw, {i. e. worshipping the Devil). 
They farther say, that as many Englishmen shall die, as the 
Trees have by this Wind been blown down in the Woods: 
But these Heathenish Stories are consonant to their Barbarous 
Crueltie, and ought to be valued accordingly, by all who own 
any Thing superiour to it or them. 

Several Men, some whereof are Quakers, will not go out 
on Command, and for their Disobedience thereunto, are 
forced to run the Gantelop.^ 

About the 15th of September, the Authority of Boston 
sent a Party to Ninnicroft, to require him to come to Boston, 
to treat concerning the delivery [of the] Squaw Sachem. ^ He 
sent word he would come, provided he might be safely re- 
turned back; Captain Smith living near him, offered himself. 
Wife and Children, and Estate, as Hostages therefor. 

Ninnicroft seeing this, resolved to send his eldest Son^ 
thither (he himself being very aged.) So away they came, 
bringing Captain Smith with them; when they came to Rox- 
bury, they sent Word to Boston they were come, and desired 
to know if they might have Admittance into Boston: Word 
was sent them, that they should be very welcome. In Order 
thereto, Captain James Oliver, and Captain Clarke,^ were or- 

^"Gantelop," or gauntlet: a common punishment among the Indians. It 
sometimes cost the runner his Hfe, as he ran between two rows of men equipped 
with switches, clubs, or even stones, and little mercy was shown. 

^ Weetamoo, who was reported as having gone to Ninigret (see ante, p. 12, 
note 5, and p. 34), and who married his son Quinnapin. 

'Quinnapin was the eldest son of Ninnicroft or Ninigret, but he did not 
sign the treaty of October 18 at Boston. "N. S." confuses him with Canonchet 
(Nanunteno), the "Great Chief" of the Narragansetts, who signed in behalf of 
Quinnapin and others. 

* Captain Thomas Clarke. 


dered with six Files of Musquets a piece to meet on the Neck, 
to conduct them into Town. The Indians meeting these Cap- 
tains, thought that they were all to die immediately; some 
were for running away, and some not, but Captain Smith 
being with them, endeavoured to pacifie them as well as he 
could. When they met, they opened to the Right and Left, 
and gave them three Volleys, and so Guarded them to the 
Governours House. The next Morning this Sagamore with 
all his Retinue, went to Captain Oliver's House, to give him 
hearty Thanks for Yesterday's Kindness, in his conducting 
them safe to Town. 

The Council sat every Day during their Abode in Boston, 
imtil they came to an Agreement. The Narragansets^ by 
Degrees, came to this Agreement, That they were to deliver 
the Squaw Sachem within so many Days at Boston; and the 
League of Peace was then by them Confirmed, which was much 
to the general Satisfaction ; but yet many had hard Thoughts 
of them, fearing they will at last prove Treacherous: They 
were dismist out of the Town in Safety, according to their 

The Governour and Council seeing, and seriously consider- 
ing the Misery that many had already undergone, and that 
the Country was like to be in. Issued out this following Order 
for a solemn Fast all over the Colony; which was performed 
with a very great Show of outward Penitence, and (no Ques- 
tion) with much inward Affection by very many : The Govern- 
our himself beginning the Duty of the Day, with a most 
heavenly Prayer. 

At a Council held in Boston, Sept. 17, 1675. 

It pleased the Holy God (all whose Works are Truth and his 
Ways Judgment) for our Sins whereby he hath been provoked, in 
special by the undervaluation of our pleasant Things; great un- 
thankfulness for, and manifold Abuses of our wonderful Peace, and 
the Blessings of it in this good Land, which the Lord hath given us; 

^ In this record the writer includes the Niantics among the Narragansetts, 
possibly because the Squaw Sachem had gone to Ninigret for protection. The 
two tribes were distinct, although Canonchet of the Narragansetts signed the 
treaty for the Niantic leader. 


ill Entertainment of the Ministry of the precious Gospel of Peace; 
Leaving our first-Love, dealing falsly in the Covenant of the Lord 
our God: The Apostacy of many from the Truth unto Heresies, 
and pernicious Errours; Great Formality, inordinate Affection, 
and sinful Conformity to this present evil vain World: ^ And (be- 
side many horrid and scandalous Sins breaking forth among us, 
for which we have Cause to be greatly humbled before the Lord) 
our great Unsensibleness of the Displeasure of the Lord in suffering 
these Abominations to be perpetrated, together with our Carnal 
Security, and Unquietness under the Judgments of God upon us; 
our abiding very much unreformed, notwithstanding all Warnings, 
and Chastisements, whereby the Lord hath been, and is still debating 
with us; we having greatly incensed him to stir up many Adversaries 
against us, not only Abroad, but also at our own Doors, (causing the 
Heathen in this Wilderness to be as Thorns in our Sides, who have 
formerly been, and might still be, a Wall unto us therein ;2 and others 
also to become a Scourge unto us) the Lord himself also more imme- 
diately Afflicting us by Diseases, whereof so many Children in some 
of our Towns have died this Summer, His not going forth with our 
Armies as in former Times, but giving up many of our Brethren to 
the Mouth of the devouring Sword, yea, shewing himself Angry 
with the Prayers of his People, Threatning us also with Scarcity of 
Provision and other Calamities, especially if this present War with 
the barbarous Heathen should continue: And that the Lord of Hosts 
himself withdraw not the Commission he hath given to the Sword, 
and other Judgments to prevail against us. 

The Governour and Council of this Jurisdiction therefore (be- 
ing under the Sense of these Evils, and also of the distressed State 
of the rest of the Colonies Confederate with our selves, and of the 
Churches of Christ in other Parts of the Christian World, in this 
Day of Trouble, Rebukes, and Blasphemy; and fearing the sad 
Issue, unless the Lord help us with our whole Heart, and not feignedly, 
to turn unto himself) Do Appoint, and Order the seventh Day of the 
next Month, to be a Day of Publick Humiliation, with Fasting and 
Prayer, throughout this whole Colony; that we may set ourselves 
sincerely to seek the Lord rending our Hearts, and not our Garments 
before Him, and pursue the same with a thorough Reformation of 

^ These accusations refer to the neglect at Plymouth to provide for the 
adequate support of the established ministry and to the growth of the Baptists, 
Episcopalians, and Friends, as well as to the lukewarmness of church members. 

2 It is interesting to see the idea of the Indians forming a neutral or pro- 
tecting zone between the colonists and the French set forth thus early in American 


whatever hath been, or is an Image of Jealousie before the Lord, to 
offend the Eyes of his Glory; if so be the Lord may turn from his 
fierce Anger, that we perish not. We do therefore require all the 
Inhabitants of this Jurisdiction to forbear Servile Labour upon that 
Day, and that they apply themselves respectively to observe the 
same, as is Appointed, 

By the Council, 

Edward Rawson, Seer. 

On the 1st of October, News came to Boston, that the 
Indians had Burnt the Farmhouse of Major Pinchon, scituate 
near Springfield, and killed much Cattle, and Burnt much 
Corn, which occasioned his Son to abide Still in Boston (he 
being before provided to go for London, with Captain John 
Walley in the John's Adventure, Mr. Pinchons own Ship). It 
is judged that Major Pinchons Dammage may amount to 
eleven or twelve hundred Pound Sterling. This Day also 
came the News to Mr. Purchas that his House and Goods 
were Burnt, his Wife and Children killed; the Latter proved 
false: He was also bound in Capt. Walley for London, but 
remained at Boston for Sometime, in order to the settling his 
Family there. His Loss likewise amounted to above a thou- 
sand Pound Sterling.^ 

On the 12th of October, a Body of Indians came to Spring- 
field, who immediately fired the Town, and consumed thirty- 
two Houses, and almost as many Bams, with their Corn and 

The Indians that did this Mischief, were a Company of 
those Sort called Prajdng Indians,^ about forty in Number, 
that always dwelt near to Springfield, and at that Time were 
confined to their Town and about a Mile about it; but for 

^ Important correspondence of John Pynchon from September 30 to Octo- 
ber 17, 1675 (Massachusetts Archives, vol. 67) throws much light on these events 
near Springfield. Pynchon's house was on Stony Brook, now in Connecticut,^ but 
then a part of the Springfield district. Thomas Purchase lived near the mouth 
of the Androscoggin River in the district of Maine. Captain Walley was 
later a distinguished colonel in Sir William Phips's expedition of 1690 against 

"^ Certain writers speak of this mischief as due to colonial neglect and done 
by preying rather than by Praying Indians. Hubbard places a part of the blame 
upon the English, and the closing words of this narrative illustrate one view of 
the Indians in which "N. S." may have shared. 


their usual Civility Sake, were permitted daily to have Con- 
verse with the Town about what Business they had, and at 
Mid-night they did their Exploit. The Neighbouring Towns 
hearing it, and that it was done by them, Rose without any 
Commander or Leader, and slew all of them they could find, 
which was about thirty. 

Likewise Tidings came this Day from the Eastward, that 
they have killed twenty Men within this ten Days; wherefore 
here is this 20th of October, marched forty Men out of Boston, 
for their Relief. 

The Narragansets, we fear more and more every Day, will 
be perfidious to us, the Tinie being past that they should have 
dehvered Squaw Sachem at Boston.^ Our Fears are the 
more increased, as well in that we understand several of them 
appear up and down in Arms; however here is a Levie now 
coming out for a thousand Englishmen to wait on them, 
which we hope may reduce them to good Order, as well as 
recover Squaw Sachem out of their Hands; which if she be 
but taken by the English, her Lands will more than pay all 
the Charge we have been at in this unhappy War. 

October 28, This Day by Advice from Hatfield, we have 
this particular Account of what happened there. 

On Wednesday the 19th of October, a Party of Indians 
about seven Miles off Hatfield in the Woods, made several 
great Fires, to make the English think they were there, but as 
soon as ever they had set Fire to the Wood, they came directly 
towards Hatfield, and about two Miles from Hatfield they lay 
in Bushes by the Way Side undiscoverable, thinking to cut 
off the EngHsh in their Way to the Fires: About Noon, they 
of Hatfield sent ten Horsemen well armed, to scout out and 
see what is the Matter in the Woods; and in their Way the 
Indians at once shot down nine of them, and the other re- 
turned to Hatfield to carry the News: Capt. Samuel Moseley 
(being then not far from thence, with sixty Men,) was imme- 
diately sent for, who presently came. By four a Clock, there 
were come into the Town above seven hundred Indians armed, 
and immediately set Fire in three Places to the Town, but by 
Care were soon quenched; Capt. Moseley presently engaged 

1 As already noted, the Squaw Sachem was with the Niantics and not with 
the Narragansetts. 


five hundred of these Indians, whilst two hundred and more 
other Indians were at the other End of the Town endeavour- 
ing to Fire it.^ There was also another Captain, with about 
sixty Men not far off, who hearing the Guns, came immediately 
thither and set on the other Party of two hundred and odd; 
but the two English Captains soon joyned together, and they 
had a Fight with those seven hundred and odd Indians, for 
near two Hours Time, till they could see no longer. In this 
Fight we lost only three Men, and we judg we may have 
killed above an hundred Indians, we forced the Rest in great 
disorder to nm away. We forced them over a large River, 
who in their Swimming over, lost all their Arms and Ammuni- 
tion, and several were Drowned, as was seen the next Day. 
This Fight doth much discourage them, and encourage our 
English: there were ten Men wounded of ours in the Fight, 
but none Mortally we hope.^ 

Care now is taken to satisfie the (reasonable) desires of the 
Commonalty, concerning Mr. Elliot's Indians, and Capt. 
Guggin's Indians. They that wear the Name of Praying 
Indians, but rather (as Mr. Hezekiah Ushur^ termed Preying 
Indians) they have made Preys of much English Blood, but 
now they are all reduced to their several Confinements; which 
is much to a general Satisfaction in that Respect. 

Dated from Boston Novemb. 10, 1675. 


1 have here enclosed you as large an Account as I can at 
Present of the State of this Wilderness, in Respect to the 
Heathens: I must confess, I was the willinger to take a little 
the more Pains in the collecting thereof, for the Sakes of those 
with you, who wish us well. Which if it may answer its 

1 Captain Samuel Mosely and Captain Jonathan Poole were the two officers 
in charge at the different ends of the town. Hatfield is opposite Hadley on the 
Connecticut River. 

2 Freegrace Norton, one of Major Appleton's sergeants, was shot at the side 
of his superior officer, the wound proving mortal. Major Appleton barely escaped 
a like fate. 

3 Hezekiah Usher, bookseller in Boston. 


intended End therein, the Labour in Writing will be well 
bestowed. You may expect more from me as there is Occa- 
sion, meanwhile I am, 

Your Friend and Servant. 

Psal 80, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. 


ENGLAND, BY N. S., 1676 

ENGLAND, 1676 

A Continuation of the State of New-England; Being a Farther 
Account of the Indian Warr, And of the Engagement betwixt 
the Joynt Forces of the United English Collonies and the 
Indians, on the 19th of December, 1675, With the true Num- 
ber of the Slain and Wounded, and the Transactions of the 
English Army since the said Fight. With all other Passages 
that have there Hapned from the 10th of November, 1675, to 
the Sth of February 1671. Together with an Account of the 
Intended Rebellion of the Negroes in the Barbadoes. 

Licensed March 27, 1676. Henry Oldenburg. 

London: Printed by T. M. for Dorman Newman, at the Kings 
Armes in the Poultry, 1676.^ 

Boston, February the 9th, 1675.2 

My Last to you was of the 10th of November past,' 
(which in regard we have had much Westerly Wiads since) I 
hope ere this Time you have received; according to the best 
Information I had or could procure, I made bold to acquaint 
you with Sundry Passages, that before the Date thereof, came 
to pass amongst us; I also sent you two of our Orders in Print 
by Order of the Council here; The one for the Confinement 
of our Neetop (i. e. Friend) Indians, the other for a general 
Fast throughout this Collony;^ By the one you may see the 

^ Title-page of the original. 

2 This (meaning February 9, 1676, N. S.) is an erroneous date prefixed by 
the printer. The proper date is apparently December 21, 1675; see the begin- 
ning of the next letter. 

3 The date here given connects this piece with the preceding narrative. 
See ante, p. 49. 

* See Proclamation for Fast, ante, pp. 45-47. Neetop is Indian for "friend." 
The confinement of the friendly Indians was on islands in Boston harbor. 



great Care our Authority hath, as well to make a Distinction 
visible, betwixt our Friends the Christian Indians, and our 
Enemies the Heathens, as also, to secure the one from In- 
juries, and to lay the other open, and make them liable to the 
Hand of Justice : By the other you may see what Fear of the 
immediate Hand of God upon us our Magistrates have; and 
truly Sir, we have great Cause to bless the Lord for that we 
have such Magistrates and Councellors that we are so well 
assured do aime at the Glory of God, and the Peace and Wel- 
fare of his People in this Wilderness, that however the mighty 
Hand of God is lifted up upon us, and he hath given Commis- 
sion to the Sword to destroy, yet we are well satisfied there is 
Nothing wanting that lyeth within the reach of their Wisdom 
or Strength: Wherefore in the midst of our Troubles we com- 
fort ourselves in this, that we are satisfied they do what in 
them lyeth: I hope in some short Time I may hear of your 
receipt thereof. 

Sir, In my Last I also gave you (at First) an Account of 
the Reasons of the Rise and Original of these unhappy Wars, 
in which, my Information was not so Perfect, but that there 
was somewhat amiss; although, at that Time, the Account 
thereof was generally received, and the Alteration is not much, 
only in some few particular Circumstances: Wherefore, that 
you might be the more Certain thereof, I shall give you an 
Account wherein I missed, Thus : About six Years since one 
Sosoman^ (an Indian Schollar and Minister) having spent 
some Years in the Study of Divinity, being by that Time 
judged capable of Preaching the Gospel, was by the Authority 
of Plymouth 2 sent to Preach to King Philip; he with some 
seeming-kind of Devotion, heard him for a while at several 
Times; and however his Zeal was in outward Appearance, yet 
all that Time, and a good while before, he with several of his 
own Men, had a Conspiracy to cut off the English thereabouts, 
and scrupled not to make the Business known to Sosoman,';as 
supposing he might be of great use to him, in carrying on that 
bloody Design; Whereupon this Sosoman soon after maizes 
this Thing known to the Governor of New Plymouth CoUony, 
Josiah Winslow Esq. King Philip suspecting he either would 

^ See p. 7, note 2, ante. 

* A doubtful statement as to the action of Plymouth. 


divulge, or had already made known this Secret to the English, 
took Councel to kill this Sosoman, wherefore in Order there- 
unto, one Day, as he sat fishing by a Riverside, two or three 
Indians came and barbarously Murthered him in the Place; 
Whereupon as soon as the Governor and Councel of Pljonouth 
heard thereof, sent and took the said Murtherers; as also a 
small Party went to King Philip and brought him and most of 
his chief Men ^ to Plymouth, and there Examined them, and 
had several Meetings in Consultation about the Business; 
but King Philip behaved himself very uncivilly (like a Heathen) 
however due Proof could not be produced against him, and he 
nor his Men not having yet shed any English Blood, after his 
entring into a League of Peace with the English, was dismist; 
only the Murtherers after a legal Condemnation were Hanged.^ 
Here lies the Occasion of our present Difference, which I have 
made bold to acquaint you of. Sir, towards the close of my 
Last to you, I gave you an Account of what was done at Hat- 
field the 19th of October last; in which Fight the Heathens 
were so put to it, that they were forced to go to their last 
Refuge, that is, the Narragansets, who I wrote you Word we 
feared every Day more and more would Prove perfidious to us; 
wherefore the Authority of the United CoUonies having In- 
telligence that King Philip with his whole Retinue, as well 
Women and Children, etc., did Harbour themselves imder the 
Protection of Ninicroft, who is the King of the Narragansets, 
as also hearing that that same Sachem, that came to Boston 
about the End of September last, (being Ninicroft's Eldest 
Son) is since Marryed to the Squaw Sachem; which Marriage 
doth signifie a near Alliance; and also seeing that what that 
Sachem did agree unto with our Authority, when in Boston, 
is not at all regarded by them, (for that Sachem sent Word 
when he came Home into his own Country, that Ninicroft 
would not agree to what he had done.)^ 

1 By another account Philip "came downe of his own accord" to Plymouth. 

" See p. 8, note 3, ante, and p. 25. 

3 The writer confuses Ninnicroft (Ninigret) with Canonchet, the leading 
chief of the Narragansetts and the brains of the war on the Indian side. It was 
the latter who came to Boston and signed for himself and others the treaty of 
October 18, 1675, and who later refused to keep the treaty, which led to the prac- 
tical declaration of war by the United Commissioners on November 2. So also 


These Things so falling out near the same Time, put our 
Authority then in Councel upon some Necessity of finding 
out a speedy Way to Remedy the same, But notwithstanding 
their Perfidiousness hitherto, yet about three Weeks after, 
five Sachems came together from Ninicroft to Boston, and 
engaged^ that our Enemies, entertained by them, should be 
delivered up Instantly; but Nothing being done of what they 
promised, the Commissioners of the United CoUonies, sitting 
in Councel here, (the several Considerations here exprest, 
with Others moving them thereto) in the first Place published 
this following Remonstrance (here inserted verbatim) ^ and 
ordered a Body of Souldiers, Horse and Foot to march hence; 
in order thereunto, on the 10th of this Instant December, six 
Companies of Foot and Horse marched hence unto Seaconck: 
The Number of the Soulders were thus; Of Massachusetts and 
Plimouth CoUonies 700 Foot and 200 Horse, and Connecticot 
CoUony having 300 Foot and 100 Horse ready to meet them at 
New London,^ — whereof Governour Josiah Winslow is gone 
out General: From Massachusetts CoUony is gone out in 
Command, Major Appleton of Ipswich, Captain James Oliver, 
Captain Samuel Moseley, and Captain Nath. Davenport of 
Boston, Captain Johnson of Roxbury, Captain Gardner of 
Salem, and Captain Thomas Prentice, Captain of the Horse. 
These were commanders of those seven Companies that 
marched hence. 

The 16th Instant we had Advice from them, that the 
Enemy had burnt Mr. Jeremiah BaU's* House at Narragansett, 
and kUled 18 Men, Women, and Children that were in it, 
and that they had taken 55 Indians, and killed ten more and 

it was Quanopin or Quinnapin who married the Squaw Sachem, as will appear in 
Mrs. Rowlandson's Narrative, pp. 125, 150, "post. 

^ Not a new treaty but an addition to that of October 18. 

2 See the document at the end of this piece. 

3 Over 150 Indians were with the Connecticut forces. As to Rhode Island, 
Callender says: "It must be observed that though the Colony was not, as they 
ought to have been, consulted, yet they not only afforded Shelter and Protection 
to the flying English . . . but they likewise furnished some of the Forces with 
Provisions and Transports." 

* Jeriah or Jireh Bull who kept a garrison house on Tower Hill at Petta- 
quamscut, between the present Wakefield, Rhode Island, and Narragansett Pier, 
is probably the person meant. A better estimate reduces the loss to fifteen persons. 


burnt 150 Wigwams with the Loss of four of our Men, and as 
many Wounded. This Exploit was performed by Captain 
Prentice, a Captain of the Horse. The Weather now being 
extream Cold, having both Frost and Snow in most Places 
two Foot, in many Places three Foot deep, we have as yet had 
Nothing like to a Field Battel with the Indians, save that 
Fight we had at Hatfield of which I gave you an Account in 
my Last, until these Soulders went out Last; since which Time, 
by several Posts coming Daily thence, as also by private 
Letters, I have this Account of this Fight in particular. On 
Saturday the 19th Instant, the General mustered up the whole 
Army in November, as before, having with them three Minis- 
ters, viz. Mr. Dudley, Mr. Buckley and Mr. Samuel Nowell, 
at Capt. Smith's^ House, (the same Capt. Smith I told you 
in my Last that came to Boston with Ninnicroft's Eldest Son 
a Sachem) whose Dwelling is about fom- Miles off the Narra- 
gansetts Dwellings, and is now the strongest Garrison in those 
Parts) and having given Orders for a March, according to 
Discretion, marched towards the Narragansets Country (or 
Town) where finding no Indians, they were at a Stand, not 
knowing which Way to go in Pursuit of the Indians; but how- 
ever during their Stay, their Capt. Prentice with his Company 
discovered some Place under Ground, wherein was Indian 
Corn laid up in Store by them; this encouraged them to look 
further; Whereupon in their Search they found several good 
Quantities of that Grain in like Manner, which afterwards 
was conveyed to the Garrison. In the Afternoon of that 
Saturday, some of the Souldiers accidently espied an Indian^ 
alone, whom they took and carried to the General, who upon 
his Refusal to answer to those Questions demanded, was 
ordered to be Hanged forthwith; Whereupon the Indian to 
save his Life, told them where the whole Body of the Indians 
were together, as well King Philip, and all other Confederate 
Sagamores and Sachems with their whole Retinue, as also 
the whole Body of the Narragansets, being joyned all in a 
Body in November, about 4500 Indian Men, besides Wives 
and Children : Whereupon, keeping this Indian for their Guide, 

^ Samuel Dudley, Gershom Bulkley, Richard Smith. 

2 Known to the English as Peter. The ensuing battle is known in New 
England history as the Great Swamp Fight, 


they having Provisions with them, marched all Night, the 
Indians being then 16 Miles distant from them, and that 
Night there fell a very hard Snow two or three Foot deep, 
and withal an extream hard Frost, so that some of our Men 
were frozen in their Hands and Feet, and thereby disabled for 
Service. The next Day, about Noon, they come to a large 
Swamp, which by Reasons of the Frost aU the Night before, 
they were capable of going over (which else they could not 
have done). They forthwith in one Body entered the said 
Swamp, and in the Midst thereof was a Piece of firm Land, of 
about three or four Acres of Ground, whereon the Indians 
had built a Kind of Fort,^ being Palisado'd round, and within 
that a Clay Wall, as also felled down Abundance of Trees to 
lay quite round the said Fort, but they had not quite finished 
the said Work. The General placed Capt. Moseley in the Front, 
to enter the Fort, and the Rest of the Companies were placed 
according to Discretion. In their March they met with three 
Indians sent out as Scouts, whom they shot dead at Sight 
thereof: as soon as ever the Indians saw our Army coming, 
they shot as fast as ever they could, and so our Men did the 
like. Before our Men could come up to take Possession of the 
Fort; the Indians had shot three Bullets through Capt. Daven- 
port, whereupon he bled extreamly, and immediately called 
for his Lieutenant, Mr. Edward Ting, and committed the 
Charge of the Company to him, and desired him to take care 
of his Gun, and deliver it according to Order, and inmiediately 
died in the Place; his Company were extreamly grieved at his 
Death, in Regard he was so courteous to them; for he being 
Commander of that Company, belonging to Cambridge and 
Watertown etc. was a Stranger to most of them; and at the 
same Time that he came to take Possession of his Company, he 
made a very civil Speech to them, and also gave them free 
Liberty to choose their Serjeants themselves, which pleased 

^ This fortress of the Narragansetts is in the present town of South Kings- 
town, Rhode Island. The fort stood upon an island between the present Charles 
River and Usquepaug River, and is marked by a monument visible from the Shore 
Line railroad near West Kingstown station. See A Record of the Ceremony and 
Oration, etc., printed by the Society of Colonial Wars (1906). It was built under 
the direction of "Stone-wall John," an Indian engineer, referred to later (p. 
59) as a blacksmith, possibly aided by Joshua Tift or Teft, a renegade white 


them very well, and accordingly did so ; and it is very probable 
the Indians might think that Capt. Davenport was the Gen- 
eral, because he had a very good Buff Suit on at that Time, 
and therefore might shoot at him. In a short Time our 
Forces entred the Fort, Captain Mosely being in the Front, 
the Indians knowing him very well, many directed their shot 
to him, as he afterwards told the General that he believed he 
saw 50 aim at him: As soon as he and they had entred the 
Fort, he espied a Heap of above 50 Indians lay dead in a 
Corner, which the Indians had gathered together; as soon 
as ever our Men had entred the Fort, the Indians fled, our 
Men killed many of them, as also of their Wives and Chil- 
dren, amongst which an Indian Black-Smith^ (the only Man 
amongst them that fitted their Guns and Arrow-heads;) and 
amongst many other Houses burnt his, as also demolished 
his Forge, and carried away his Tools; they fought with the 
Indians, and pursued them so long as was advantageous to 
them; then the General gave Order to Soimd a Retreat, which 
was done according to Order. The Retreat was no sooner 
beaten, and the Souldiers were in a Marching Posture, before 
they were got all out of the Fort, a thousand fresh Indians set 
on our Men, but in an Hour's Time the Indians were forced 
to Retreat and Flie. Our Men as near as they can judge, may 
have killed about 600 Indian Men, besides Women and Chil- 
dren. Many more Indians were killed which we could have 
no Account of, by Reason that they would carry away as many 
dead Indians as they could. Our Men before they had been 
set on by the fresh Indians, had set fire to most of the Wig- 
wams in and about the Fort (which were near 1000 in all,) 
how many were burnt down they could not tell positively, 
only thus; That they Marched above three Miles from the 
Fort by the Light of the Fires.^ Here is an Account of the 
Number of English-Men slain by the Indians in this Engage- 

^ If the reference is to "Stone-wall John," it may be stated that he was not 
killed at this time but by Connecticut forces under Major John Talcott, July 
2, 1676. See p. 96, -post. 

2 Improbable under the weather conditions. Our writer gives round num- 
bers in this account and probably does not underestimate the size of the Indian 
forces. He was not on the field, and neither Mather nor Hubbard gives these 
details nor places the numbers of men so high. 




A List of the Number of the English Slain and Wounded in the 
Battel with the Indians, on the 19th of December, 1675. 

Of the Massuchusets. 

Slain. Wounded. 

In the Company of 
Major Appleton 
Capt. Moseley's 
Capt. Oliver's 
Capt. Johnson's 
Capt. Gardner's 
Capt. Davenport's 






Wounded, whereof some are 

since dead. 

Of Connecticot. 

Major Treat's Com'y 
Capt. Sealey's 
Capt. Marshal's 
Capt. Waite's 

Of Plymouth. 

Capt. Bradford) 

Capt. Corum^ ) 


Lost in the Woods 







Captains Slain. 

Capt. Davenport 
Capt. Johnson 
Capt. Gardner 
Capt. Marshal 

Capt. Gallop, who Commanded 
Uncas's Indians. 


Captain Bradford, shot in the 

Captain Sealy, Mortally as is 

Captain Mason. 
Captain White. 

Lieutenants Wounded. 

Lieut. Savage, 
Lieut. Ting, 
Lieut. Swan, 
Lieut. Upham. 
Wounded and Slain in 

all - - - - 207^ 

We wanting good Accommodation for our Wounded Men, 
our General ordered them to be removed to Road-Island, 
where they have good Quarters provided, and care taken for 
their Recovery. Ninigret, the old Sachem of the Narragansets, 
hath lately, with a small Party of Indians seperated himself 
from the Rest of his People, disownmg their Actions, and all 

^ Captain John Gorham. 

2 Another estimate gives the English loss as 6 captains and 80 men killed, 
and 150 men wounded. 


that jojni with King Philip, and professes himself a true Friend 
to the English Interest.^ 

It may not be amiss to acquaint you that the Night before 
the Fight was, and all that Day, and the Night after, there 
fell such an extraordinary Snow that the like hath not been 
known for many Years; and in Regard that we had no Post 
come from our Army for four or five Days, many Fears arose 
amongst us that our Men were lost either by the Enemy, or the 
Snow, which made many an Heart ake amongst us. But so 
it was, that which we feared would spoil us, did very much 
disable the Enemy; for we having burnt down almost all 
their Wigwams, as also all their Corn that we could find, they 
thereby have less Shelter and less Subsistance left them, which 
Misery of theirs is much aggravated by that great Snow. 

The Fight being over, our Men Retreated to Mr. Smith's 
House, where the Noble General gave Order that the Wounded 
and Sick should first of all be cared for, which was done ac- 
cordingly; and that they might have the better Accomodation 
in the House the General hunself lay in a Barn belonging to 
the said House. Care is now taken to raise a thousand Men 
more to attend the General, which will suddenly march; 
What the Issue will be the Lord knows. King Philip supposing 
that Hatfield, a Town on Conecticot River, was very thin of 
Men; he drew together seven or 800 of his Indians, among 
which they had several Horses, and suddenly entred the 
Town on the 19th of October, 1675, which after they had set 
on Fire in three Places, they divided themselves into two 
Bodies and began to act several Cruelties on the Inhabitants. 
The Enghsh by their Dihgence soon quenched the Fires; and 
making up a Body of 200 Men, most of which were newly 
come into the Town, they feU on the Indians with a great 
Deal of Fury, and after two Hours Fight, compelled the 
Indians to leave the Town with more Hast than they entred; 
the Enghsh having slain about 100 Indians, with very Httle 
Loss to themselves, 2 pursued the Rest to the River-side, 

^ Captain Bradford remained at Newport over a month, writing to Plym- 
outh on January 20, 1676, that Ninigret had buried the English dead and wished 
a reward in powder for his work. See p. 65, post. 

2 There are better accounts of this Hatfield raid by Mather, Brief History, 
and by Hubbard. The number of Indians killed as given by our author is at 
least fivefold the truth. 


where many were drowned that could not swim to the farther 
Side. After this Fight, PhiHp and his Indians fled to the 
Narragansets, which caused the Counsel of the Massachusets 
to pubHsh in Print this Remonstrance before spoken of.^ 


To our Brethren and Friends, the Inhabitants of the Colony of the 


Although you cannot be Ignorant how studious this Govern- 
ment hath been to preserve Peace in this Colony, and hath taken up 
and Compromised diverse Quarrels that have Risen between our 
Selves, our Neighbours, and the Indians; And thereby at several 
Times prevented those Calamities wherewith we are now Pressed, 
Yet to satisfie you that the same Mind, and the same Endeavours 
are continued in the present Government, we have thought it neces- 
sary to let you understand the Rise and Progress of our present 
Troubles, with our Endeavours to have prevented the same. 

In June last, we were Certified by our Friends and Confederates 
of Plimouth, that Philip the Sachem of Mount Hope was in Arms, 
and had solicited all the Indians to joyn with him against the Eng- 
lish; and withal they desired our Assistance to Suppress him; Which 
we by the Articles of Confederation could not deny, and therefore 
applied ourselves to Raise some Force for their Assistance : but were 
still desirous to prevent a War with the Indians; and therefore upon 
a former Experience of a good Effect wrought upon the said Philip, 
we resolved to use the same Means, viz. sending Messengers from 
hence to Philip to Treat with him, hoping of the hke Issue, which 
upon the like Case about four Years since we by Gods good Hand 
obtained.2 But our Messengers arriving at Swanzy, in their Way 
towards Philip, found divers English Murthered on the Road, and 
were informed by the English there, of divers Hostilities of the 
Indians, which rendered our Design and their Negotiation hopeless: 
Upon which they returned, and informed us as abovesaid, whereupon 
our Forces began their March in Aid of our Friends at Plymouth; 
and having driven Philip from his Country, we being informed that 
the Narragansets harboured his Women, and aided him with Men, 

^Plymouth issued a Justification for taking up Arms similar to the one 
here given (Plymovih Colony Records, X. 362-363). Massachusetts certainly was 
not eager for war at this time, whatever may have been the wish of Plymouth. 

2 The reference is to the treaty of Taunton already described. A reference 
to the so-called treaty of July 15 with the Narragansetts occurs a few lines later, 
and this is followed by a mention of the treaty with the Conunissioners entered 
into at Boston by Canonchet on October 18, 1675. 


we ordered our Souldiers to march to Narraganset, in order to keep 
them quiet, and prevent their succouring or harbouring the Enemy: 
Where, after some Delay, they were drawn to consent to our De- 
mands, promising neither to Entertain nor assist our Enemies, which 
they since confirmed in a Treaty with the Commissioners of the 
Colonies: Further engaging that they would deliver all those of 
Philip's Party, that upon his Rout near Scatoneck,i or since, were 
fled to them; but have failed in every Particular. You may also 
take notice. That before any of our Souldiers marched to Mount 
Hope, we were very careful to understand the State of the Nipnet' 
Indians, to prevent Philip's Design, and secure those Indians, and 
therefore dispatched two Messengers well known to them, to certifie 
them of Phihp's Motion and of our Design to keep Amity and Friend- 
ship with them, according to the Covenants made with them long 
since, no Ways Violated on our Part. And by the said Messengers 
received fair Returns from the most of them, being in 10 or 12 Plan- 
tations. Someof these pretended Fear of us: For their further Satis- 
faction (when our Forces were sent out against Philip) we to satisfie 
and secure them, sent them by Ephraim Curtice, a Declaration' 
under the Publick Seal, that we had no Design or Intent to disturb 
them, or any other Indians that would remain in their Plantations 
peaceably: which Message and Messenger was evilly treated by 
many of them there Assembled, and the Messenger much endangered 
by the Younger Men and not with any Satisfaction by their Sachems, 
as the Event shewed, though at that Present more moderately 

Soon after this Dispatch, and before Philips flying from Pocas- 
set, and March up towards the Nipnet Country; Some of the said 
Nipnet-Indians Assaulted and slew divers of our People at Mendam; * 
whereupon Captain Hutchinson with a small Guard, was sent up 
to the said Nipnet-Indians, (if possible to keep them quiet) who 
arriving at Quabaog, whereabouts was a Randezvous of the Indians, 
and having sent to them, they promised to meet him in a certain 
Place, whither he at the Time repairing, found not the Indians, and 
being incouraged by the English of Quabaog, that the Indians were 
peaceable, etc. he advanced forward towards the Place of the Indians 
Randezvous, to Treat with them: But in the Way, was by Ambus- 

^ Seekonk, August 1. 

2 Better known as the Nipmoogs or Nipmucks, although but a part of the 
Indians so called are here intended. 

3 Ephraim Curtis was a young trader of Quamsigamug or Worcester, Massa- 
chusetts, and a noteworthy scout and hunter. 

*For the conflicts at Mendon and Quabaog (Brookfield), see pp. 35, 36, 


cado treacherously way-laid, by which himself, and several others 
were wounded and slain, the English of Quabaog immediately As- 
saulted, and the Town, except one House, totally destroyed; at which 
Time, as we understand, Philip also with his broken Party came up 
to the said Indians, and upon the first, or immediately before the 
arrival of the Forces, we sent up for the Relief of those of Quabaog, 
Philip and his whole Crew retreated (as we then feared, and after- 
wards were informed) towards Conecticot-River, from whence Re- 
cruiting himself with Ammunition from Albany,^ and with Men, 
partly from the treacherous Indians about Hadly and Springfield, 
to have prosecuted his first Design to Ruine and destroy the English. 
And notwithstanding all the Opposition of our Forces, hath done 
much Mischief and spoil; and since the Repulse he received at Hat- 
field,2 withdrew into the Nipnet-Country, and since that (as we 
understand) towards the Narragansets, who we do conclude, have 
favoured, abetted, and assisted him therein; and by entertaining 
and harbouring our Enemies, have dealt falsely and perfidiously 
with us; whereby we find our selves necessarily Ingaged, with the 
Consent, Advice and Assistance of the Rest of the Colonies, in a 
War with them, as well as with Philip, unless they prevent the same 
by a timely Complyance and Performance, and Security for the 
Future: for the managing and carrying on whereof, we hope for, 
and expect (as we have hitherto had) the Assistance of all his Majes- 
ties Subjects of this Colony in their respective Capacities, in the just 
Defence of the Glory of God, the Honour, Defence and Safety of our 
King, Country, and our Selves, from the Subtlety, Rage, and Treach- 
erous Attempt of our Barbarous Enemies. 

Dated in Boston, the 7th of December, Anno Christi, 1675, 
Annoque Domini Caroli Secundi Regis Angl. Scot. Fran, et Hiber. 
Defensoris Fidei, etc. 27th.3 
By the Council 

Edward Rawson, Secret. 

1 The New York Council on January 17, 1675/6, resolved "to write to the 
Governor of Boston to vindicate this Government from an Aspersion in a 
printed Paper of Decemr. the 7th last past, wherein was set forth that Philip in 
his Flight was supplyde with Ammunition from Albany whereby he was enabled 
to prosecute his bloody Designe against the English." 

^2 For the encounters at Springfield and Hatfield, see pp. 47-49, ante. 

3 " And in the twenty-seventh year of our lord Charles the Second King of 
England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith." 


Boston in New England, February the Sth, 1675/6. 

My last Letter to you beared Date the 21st of December, 
1675/ wherein I gave you a true Account of the State of our 
Affairs in New England, particularly of the Engagement of 
our Forces with the Indians on the 19th of December, 1675, 
And the Number of the Slain and Wounded. I shall now 
continue my InteUigence according to your Request, and my 
Promise, and give you a true Account of all Transactions 
here (worth your Information) since the foresaid 19th of 

Our wounded Men (thanks be to God) are most of them 
pretty well recovered, and only Captain Sealy is dead that I 
can hear of.^ By some Indian-Prisoners, lately taken, we 
are certainly informed that they had 355 Men killed outright, 
besides several burnt in their Wigwams, with Women and 
Children and 180 wounded, many of which are since dead, 
particularly Sachem Quanepins Brother, who was a Man of 
great Command among the Indians. That Night the Indians 
left the Place where the fight was, and retreated five Miles 
farther into the Country. Ninecroft an old Sachem in that 
Country, who hath hitherto continued Neuter, and neither 
assisted the Indians nor us, sent some of his Men the next 
Day, and Buried the dead Indians, and as many of the Eng- 
lish as were left behind dead. 

On the 23. and 24. of December, the Indians sent some 
Commissioners to our General to Treat of Peace, which they 
had no Mind to conclude; but we soon perceived it was only 
to prevent our falling upon them, and to gain themselves more 
Time to remove their Army and Provisions twenty Miles far- 
ther into the Country, to some Rocks where we could not 
get at them without great Danger. Although our General 
knew this, he was desirous to keep the Treaty on Foot by 
Reason the Forces of the CoUony of Connecticot had left our 

^ This plainly refers to the previous letter, of which December 21 is the 
proper date. 

2 Captain Robert Sealy of Stratford, Connecticut, died shortly after the 
fight. The estimates of the Indians' loss range from one thousand, as given by 
Hubbard, to forty, an Indian estimate. 


Army/ and went Home to Recruit, and those Supplies from 
Boston, that are daily expected, not being yet arrived, our 
Army was not in a Condition to make any new Attempts on 
the Enemy; but had not the Connecticot Forces left our 
Army, we had Hopes that we might have compelled the Enemy 
to yield to our Mercy. During this Time our Forces foraged 
the Country, and brought in great Quantities of Indian Com 
to the Army. 

About the beginning of January, the Forces from Boston 
that were sent to reinforce our Army arrived at Narraganset, 
where our Army then lay: the extreme Coldness of the Season 
had mightily incommoded them in their March; they lost 
Eleven of their Men on their March, that were frozen to 
Death and brought many others sick and disheartened with the 
extreme Coldness of the Season. They were joj^ully received 
by the Army; and soon after them the Connecticot Forces 
came to the Army, having reinforced their Companies with 
some fresh Men; and brought with them Unkus an old Sa- 
chem, who dwelt in the Connecticot Jurisdiction; he brought 
with him some Companies of his own Indians to the Assist- 
ance of the English. 

The Winter being now broke up, and the Snow and Ice aU 
gone, our Army consisting in all of 1600 Men^ began their 
March to the Rocks, where the Indians were fled for Protec- 
tion, but in their Way, they had Intelligence that 300 Indians 
had been at Patuxit, an EngHsh Plantation on the Narraganset 
Bay, where they had burnt Mr. Carpenters Corn and Hay, 
and all his Houses, except his dwelling House, which likewise 
they had set on Fire, but it was again quenched by some Eng- 
lish that were in it. They likewise drove away with them 
180 Sheep, 50 Head of large Cattle, and 15 Horses: Besides, 
they took much Cattel from young Mr. Harris,' and killed a 
Negro Servant of his; and having done this Mischief, returned 
Home with their Booty. 

^ Massachusetts complained that the abrupt leave-taking of the Connecti- 
cut troops created a very difficult situation, but the southern colony had suffered 
more severely than either of her New England neighbors. "Supplies," below, 
means reinforcements. 

2 This estimate is high, considering the losses of the campaign and the with- 
drawal of the Connecticut men. 

» William Carpenter, jr., of Providence, and Andrew Harris. 


Our Army being arrived in Bumham's Country, an Indian 
Sachem/ we burnt ^his Town, and had a small Reincounter 
with some of his Indians, where we wounded his chief Cap- 
tain Quaqualh on the Knee, and killed five of his Men, and 
had four of our Connecticot Men wounded. 

Our Scouts brought in Prisoner one Tift,^ a Renegadoe 
Enghsh Man, who having received a deserved Punishment 
from our General, deserted our Army, and fled to the Enemy, 
where had good Entertainment, and was again sent out by 
them with some of their Forces; he was shot in the Knee by our 
Scouts, and then taken before he could discharge his Musket, 
which was taken from him and found deep charged, and laden 
with Slugs. He was brought to our Army, and tryed by a 
Counsel of War, where he pretended that he was taken Prisoner 
by the Indians, and by them compelled to bear Arms in their 
Service; but this being proved to be false, he was condemned 
to be hanged and Quartered, which was accordingly done. 

Our Army beat the Indians from the foresaid Rocks, and 
pursued them almost as far as Quabog, in which Pursuit we 
killed about 60 or 70 of them, and found many of the Matts 
scattered in the Way, with which they cover their Houses, 
which we suppose they could not carry with them by Reason 
of our close Pursuit. Some Prisoners taken from them, in- 
form us, that their Body consists of 4000, whereof 1800 were 
fighting Men, half of which wanted Arms, that they were in 
great Want of Powder, and greater want of Provisions.' 

Provision growing scarce in our Army, and the Enemy 
having cleansed the Country of Things that might tend to our 
ReHef, our General resolved to pursue them no farther, but 
to hasten homewards, which accordingly was done with what 
Speed we could; but the Scarcity of Victuals daily encreasing, 
we were forced to kill several of our Horses for our Sustenance. 
Our General dismist the Connecticot Men, and sent them 

^ The Indian "Bumham," or Pumham, had his headquarters on the site of 
the present Warwick, Rhode Island; his country was Warwick and West War- 

2 The story of Joshua Tift is more fully detailed by Hubbard. See also 
p. 58, note 1, ante. 

3 The route taken was northwest from Wickford and Warwick, Rhode 
Island, to Woodstock, Connecticut, and thence to Quabaog or Brookfield, 


Home the nearest Way, and old Unkus and his Indians along 
with them. They proved very faithful in our Service/ and 
were well treated by us. Our General having left 60 Men 
in Garrison at Mr. Smiths House at Narraganset, where the 
Fight was on the 19th of December, came Home by the Way 
of Marlborough: Many of our Souldiers are troubled with the 
Flux, of which our General is one. 

King Philip hath not yet been at Narraganset, as we 
feared, but is retired with his Men near Albany,^ where he 
hath kept his Winter Quarters. We very much fear the In- 
dians falling on our Out Towns this Spring, which if they 
should, would extremely damnify us. 

Our Friend Mr. H. 0.^ went out again into the Army, 
before he was cured of his old Wound, and hath received 
another on his Elbow-joynt, which we fear will cause him to 
lose his Arm, if not his Life. Our Enemies are yet very un- 
merciful, sparing no Persons Life that they can Master. 

I see no likelihood of any Peace, but much fear our Wars 

are far from an End. Our Trade to Virginia is quite decayed, 

not one Vessel having gone from here thither since the Wars 

began, but by a small Vessel arrived here from thence, we 

are informed that the Indians have faUen unexpected on the 

English, and destroyed many of them, and done much harm 

with very little Loss to themselves,^ but this Report finds 

very little Credit with us; by the next shipping I shall (God 

wiUing) give you a farther Account of our Affairs, and in the 

mean Time shall neglect no Opportunity of informing myself 

of the Transactions of those Parts, being sensible how much 

you have obliged ,^ ^ . , , , . ^ ^^ ^ 

•^ ^ Your Friend to his Power N. S. 


1 Thought it needful to acquaint you that on the 21th day 
of March, Anno 1621, the EngHsh made a League of Peace 

^ There exists no adequate account of the services of Uncas and his men, to 
whom was due most of whatever success attended this expedition. 

2 Philip's winter quarters were at Scattacook (Schaghticoke), about twenty 
miles north of Albany. See p. 87, post. 

3 Humphrey Osland may be the person mentioned. 

* Bacon's Rebellion, so called, and other disorders were giving Virginia 
trouble at this period, the outbreak of the Indians coming in 1675. 


with Massasoiet/ who was Grand father to the present King 
PhiHp, on the following Terms and Conditions, 

1. That neither he nor any of his should injure or do hurt to 
any of our people. 

2. That if any of his did any harm to any of ours, that then he 
should send the Offender unto us for punishment. 

3. That if any English took any Goods belonging to the said 
Massasoit, or any of his Indians, they should restore them again: 
and he obliged himself to do the like. 

4. That if any of the Neighbours of the said Massasoiet should 
make war against him, the English should assist him: and he obliged 
himself to assist the English on the like occasion. 

5. That he should inform his Neighbours and Confederates of 
these Covenants, that they might be careful of wronging either 

6. That where any of his Indians came amongst the English, 
they should have no Bows or Arrows, or any other Arms with them. 

7. That in so doing, our Soveraign Lord King James should 
esteem him as his Friend and Ally. 

These Articles were agreed on to the good satisfaction and 
content of both Parties, and Massasoiet was content to become 
the Subject of our Soveraign Lord King James, his Heirs and 
Successors, and gave to the English aU the Lands adjacent, 
and to their Heirs for ever. 

On the 25th day of September, in the year 1639, this great 
Sachem Massasoiet, with Moanam his Son, came personally 
to the Court held at Plimouth in New-England, and desired 
that the League and Confederacy formerly made with the 
Government of Plimouth, might stand and remain inviolable, 
and the said Massasoiet and his Son Moanam did faithfully 
promise to keep and observe the Covenants and Conditions 
therein expressed and contained; and that neither of them 
should needlesly or unjustly raise any quarrel, or do any wrong 
to other Natives, or provoke them to War against them; and 
that neither of them should give, sell, or convey any of their 
Lands, Territories, or Possessions whatsoever, to any person 
or persons whomsoever, without the privity and consent of 
the Government of Plimouth: All which conditions the said 

^ Father, not grandfather. 


Massasoiet and Moanam his Son, for themselves and their 
Successors; did then faithfully promise to observe and keep; 
and the whole Court, in the name of the whole Government 
for each Town respectively, did then ratifie and confirm the 
aforesaid ancient League and Confederacy; and also did further 
promise to the said Massasoiet and to Moanam his Son, that 
they shall and will from time to time defend them and their Suc- 
cessors when need and occasion shall require, against aU such as 
shall rise up against them, to wrong or oppress them unjustly. 
Anno 1662. There being occasion of some suspition of a 
Plot intended by the Indians against the English, Philip, the 
Son of the aforesaid Moanam, and Grandson of Massasoiet, 
and now the implacable Enemy of the English, made his per- 
sonal appearance at the Court held at Plimouth, August the 
6th; and did there earnestly desire the continuance of that 
amity and friendship that had formerly been between the 
Governours of Plimouth and his Deceased Father and Grand- 
father; and for that end the said Philip doth for himself and 
his Successors, desire that they might for ever remain subject 
to the King of England, his Heirs and Successors; and doth 
faithfully promise and engage that he and his will truly and 
exactly observe and keep inviolable such conditions as have 
formerly been by his Predecessors made; and particularly, 
that he will not at any time needlesly or unjustly provoke or 
raise war with any of the Natives, nor at any time give, sell, 
or any way dispose of any Lands to him or them appertaining, 
to any Strangers, or to any without our privity or appoint- 
ment; but will in all things endeavour to carry it peaceably 
and inoffensively towards the English. And the said Court 
did then also express their willingness to continue with him 
and his the abovesaid Friendship ; and do on their part promise 
that they will afford them such friendly assistance by advice 
and otherwise, as they justly may; and we will require our 
English at all times to carry it friendly towards them : in wit- 
ness whereof, the said Philip the Sachem hath set to his hand ; 
as also his Unkle, and witnessed unto by sundry other of his 
chief men. 

( John Sousamen. The Mark Ph of Philip, 

Witness, s The Mark t?d of Francis the alias Metacom. 

t Sachem of Nauset. 


Likewise in the year 1621 several of the Indian Sachems, 
besides Massasoiet before-named, came unto the Government 
of New Plimouth, and acknowledged themselves to be the 
Loyal Subjects of our Soveraign Lord King James, and sub- 
scribed unto a writing to that purpose with their own hands; 
the tenour of which said writing foUoweth, with their names 
annexed thereunto, some judicious persons conceive it may be 
of use in succeeding Ages, if not in ours; I think it convenient 
here to insert it. 

September the 13th, 1621. 

Know all men by these Presents, that we whose Names are 
under written, do acknowledge our selves to be the Loyal Subjects 
of King James, King of Great Brittain, France, and Ireland, De- 
fender of the Faith, etc. In Witness whereof, and as a Testimonial 
of the same, we have Subscribed our Names or Marks as foUoweth. 

Obquamehud. Nattawahunt. Quadaquinta. 

Cawnacome. Counbatant. Huttamoiden. 

Obbatinna. Chikkitabak. Apannow. 

The Original Instruments signed with their own hands, 
and the chief of their men, still remain on Record in the Regis- 
ter of the Court of New Plimouth. 

In the said year, 1621, the Narraganset Indians sent a 
Messenger to the Governour of Plimouth with a bundle of 
Arrows tyed together with a Snakes skin, which he understood 
was a threatning and a challenge. Upon which the Govern- 
our sent them this Answer; That if they loved War rather 
than Peace, they might begin when they would; he had done 
them no wrong, neither did he fear them, nor should they find 
him unprovided; and by another Messenger sent the Snakes 
skin back with Bullets in it, but they would not receive them, 
but sent them back again; but the Indians were better ad- 
vised than to quarrel with the English at that time. 

Barhadoes, Spickes-Bay,^ November the SOth, 1675. 

My Last to you was an Information of a bloody Tragedy 
intended against his Majestie's Subjects here in this Island, by 

^ Now called Speight's Bay, on the northwest side of this West Indian 


the Heathen the Negroes, which was by the Providence of 
God miraculously discovered eight Days before the intended 
Murder should have been acted. The Manner of the Discovery 
was thus: A Negro Man belonging to Mr. Hall Senior, being 
absented from his said Master, among several other Negroes 
who had a Hand in the Plot : In a Council among them, they 
did contrive that the Negroes belonging to each several Plan- 
tation, should in the Dead Time of the Night fall on at the 
Sound of the Allarm, which was to be given in one Hour, and 
at several Places through the Island, which Negroes so allotted 
was to kill their Masters and Mistresses with their Overseers; 
this foresaid Negroe of Mr. Halls (though one of the chief 
Plotters) yet having a Respect to his Master, would by no 
Means consent to the killing of his Master, and upon Refusal 
was much threatened; and being afraid of his Life, makes his 
Escape and returns Home; and one Day, which was a little 
before the Prosecution of the Murder, was over-heard (telling 
the Plot to his Countrymen) by a Negro Woman, who waited 
and attended on her Mistress, which the Negro Woman im- 
mediately reveals. The Negroe Man being taken to Examina- 
tion, confessed the whole Truth, which was immediately told 
the Governour, who appointed some Captains to raise their 
Companies for depressing the Rebels, which accordingly was 
done, and Abundance taken and apprehended and since put 
to Death, and the Rest kept in a more stricter Manner; yet 
Jethuran-like, we have kicked against God, and slighted the 
Mercy of so great a Deliverance.^ The Manner of their 
Proceedings I wrote to you more at large; and as the Lord 
did deliver us from the Tyranny and barbarous Cruelty of 
Savage Heathens, and we still remaining obstinate, and refus- 
ing to return to him by Repentance; the Lord hath taken 
us into his own Hand to chastise us, which Chastisements 
lyeth very heavy on the poorer Sort, and none of the Rich 

Sir, upon the last Day of August last, about six of the 
Clock in the Afternoon, there did arise a Violent Storm of 
Wind and Rain out of the North-west, and continuing between 
the North and the South so violent, that before the Hour of 
Twelve at Night, there was not twenty Houses standing in 

"• "But Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked." Deuteronomy xxxii. 15. 


our Parish/ in which there is above three hundred Famihes, 
and those that did stand, much damnified; our Neighbouring 
Parishes tasting of the same Cup. There is killed outright, 
(by the falling of Houses) in this Parish, thirty-seven, and 
many more is since, with the Violence of the Wind and Cold, 
dead, and many lying in their Beds of Sickness; and as to our 
Ships, all drove Ashore to Pieces, except one of the Kings 
Men at War, which went to Sea, and returning next Day after 
the Storm was ceased, did protest to the Governour, that 
twenty Leagues off there was no Storm, for he carried his 
Top-sail half Mast high. 

Our Fellow-subjects in New-England ^ have the 28th of 
the same Month, tasted of the same Cup, and was very hard 
put to it this last Summer by one King Philip an Indian King, 
who hath Revolted without Cause given him by the English, 
neither will he shew any Reason why; but being by an Em- 
bassador from the Governour of Boston, demanded why he 
would maintain the War, refused to Treat with the Embas- 
sador, telling him. The Governour was but a Subject, and that 
he would not Treat except his Brother King Charles of Eng- 
land were there. There is Abundance of Families destroyed, 
besides those kill'd in the War; but it is very much hoped 
this Winter they will be Routed; the Reason is, because they 
have no Woods or Bushes to shelter in, which is a great Help 
to a Flying Army, such as they are, for they will not bide any 
pitch Battel. Our Brethren in Virginia had been hard put 
to it this last Summer, if it had not been for the Relief of 
New-England and New- York, which makes it the harder with 
us here : pray God mend it.^ By the tempestuous Wind, and 
the violent raging of the Sea, which hath much overflowed our 
Banks, and incroacht upon the Land, here are many Houses 
lost; among which mine was in Number, where I saved Nothing 
to cover us from the Violence of the Storm but what was on 

^ Speight's Town is in the parish of St. Peter. 

2 This is the only paragraph of the section referring to New England. 
Philip's classification of himself with King Charles was made in 1671 when the 
Indian chief was in Boston. Whether or not "G. W." had been in Boston at the 
time of the incident mentioned, or had learned of it by letter the editor is unable 
to say, as he is to state the person writing over the initials "G. W." 

3 The editor has found no statement as to the character of the aid to Vir- 
ginia here mentioned. 


our Backs. Pray God that I may make a sanctified Use of 
the Chastisement, because the Lord hath not given over our 
Life to Death. So having no more at Present, but my Serv-, 
ice to your Self and good Lady, I rest your humble Servant, 

G. W. 

I forbear to tell or to write to you of the strange Accidents, 
as the removing of whole Frames, great Timber Trees many 
Yards from their proper Stations, by the Violence of the Storm; 
if I should, it would be counted Ridiculous, but I leave it to 
the Relation of others. Wind-mills down in this Parish 16, 
much damnified 12, indeed none standing but stone Mills in 
the Parish, but what must be pull'd down. Churches down 
nine. Such another Blow will bring Barbadoes near the 




A New and Further Narrative of the State of New-England; 
being a Continued Account of the Bloudy Indian War. 
From March till August 1676, Giving a Perfect Relation 
of the Several Devastations, Engagements, and Transactions 
there; As also the Great Successes Lately obtained against 
the Barbarous Indians, The Reducing of King Philip, and 
the Killing of one of the Queens, etc., Together with a Cata- 
logue of the Losses in the whole, sustained on either Side 
since the said War began, as near as can be collected. 

Licensed October 13. Roger UEstrange. 

London: Printed by F. B. for Dorman Newman at the Kings 
Arms in the Poultry, 1676.^ 

For the better understanding some Indian Words, which 
are necessarily used in the following Narrative, the Reader 
is desired to take Notice, 

That a Swamp signifies a Moorish Place, overgrown with 
Woods and Bushes, but soft like a Quagmire or Irish Bogg, 
over which Horse cannot at all, nor English Foot (without 
great Difficulty) passe. 

A Sachem is a King, Prince, or Chief of an ancient Family, 
over whom he is an absolute Monarch. 

A Squaw Sachem is a Princess or Queen. 

Wigwams are Indian Huts or Houses. 

Boston, July 22, 1676. 

Having presumed in Two former Letters to give you a 
faithfull Account of the Original Occasion (as near as I could 
Discover) and sad Progresse of the cruel Wars between us 

^ Title-page of the original. 



and our Barbarous Enemies, the Indians; I thought (having 
this other Opportunity) your Curiosity might expect, at least 
(from that Knowledge I have for many Years had of your 
courteous Disposition) was assured your Good Nature would 
Pardon, the Trouble, of a Further Relation of material Occur- 
rences which have since happened amongst us, the rather for 
that I remember my self under the voluntary Obligation of a 
Promise so to do. 

My Last (which I hope you Received) was of the 9th of 
February, 167|: And seriously at that Time my Hand 
Trembled, and my Heart almost fainted, when my Mind re- 
flected on our present Miseries, and revolved for the Future 
what might be the Issue of that Deluge of Calamity which 
threatned us. The Dispensation we lay under was Cloudy 
and Affrighting, Fresh Messengers (like Job's Servants) 
howrly arriving to bring the Doleful Tidings of New Massa- 
cres, Slaughters and Devastations committed by the Brutish 
Heathens; and certainly it cannot but deserve both Wonder 
and Commiseration, that these Parts which were not many 
Moneths since hardly to be Parrallel'd for Plenty and Security, 
are now almost destroyed and laid Waste by the savage Cruel- 
ties of a Bloody (and sometimes Despicable) Enemy; who are 
now become so well furnisht with Arms and Ammunition (by 
the base Treachery we fear of some of our Neighbours)^ so 
instructed in Discipline by Experience, and heightened in 
Pride by unexpected Successe, That unlesse our God (whose 
tender Mercies are over all his Works) in Compassion to the 
English Nation in this Wildernesse, wonderfully appear for 
our Deliverance, Nothing could be expected but an utter 
Desolation; and of this his gracious Dealing towards us, we 
have lately had several Instances, our Forces being crowned 
with Successe, and the Enemy put to Flight, or so far divided 
and discouraged, that great Nimabers have surrendered them- 
selves when by our own Strength or outward Circumstances 
we could least expect it. But that I may set down Things in 
some Method, I shall reassume the Narritive of our Troubles, 
where I left off in my last Letter, and relate the most consider- 
able Actions from that Time, in the same Order as they hap- 

1 The Dutch and French. 


After that sharp Fight on the 19 of [December], whereof I 
formerly gave you the Particulars, our wounded Men (in 
Number about 150) being drest, were sent into Rhode Island, 
as the best Place for their Accommodation, where accordingly 
they were kindely received by the Governour and others, only 
some churlish Quakers were not free to entertain them, until 
compelled by the Governour. Of so inhumane, peevish and 
untoward a Disposition are these Nabals,^ as not to Vouchsafe 
Civility to those that had ventured their Lives, and received 
dangerous Wounds in their Defence. ^ As for the Indians 
that survived the Battell, they forsook their New-built Fort, 
and that Swamp where the Fight hapned, and posted them- 
selves in a Swamp twenty Miles distant from thence; The 
W^eather being extreme cold, and the Snow so deep, that we 
could not for some Time march in Pursuit of them: yet still 
kept Scouts abroad daily to observe their Motions, and thereby 
hindred them from coming to the Sea-side; kiUed and took 
Prisoners divers of them, as they were found straggling; and 
burnt great Numbers of their Wigwams (or Houses:) And 
being reinforced with some Additionall Forces from Boston 
and Plimouth, together with a Bark laden with Provision, we 
resolved to set upon them again with the first Opportunity; 
and in Order thereunto marched to Potuxit, where we under- 
stood, that two Nights before the Indians had assaulted a 
Gentleman's House ^ about Break of Day with much Violence, 
and wounded two Men in it, striving to Fire the House several 
Times, by tying Pine-splinters [on] long Poles, in a Bunch fired, 
and held upon the Shingles; but those within prevented that 
Stratagem from taking Effect, beat off the Assailants, and 
found one of them left dead upon the Place; But the Out- 
Houses and Hay the Indians burnt, and drove away all the 

^An allusion to the^churlish Nabal of I Samuel xxv. 

2 The feeling between Massachusetts and Rhode Island needs no emphasis 
after this passage. It must be remembered that Rhode Island was not in the 
New England Confederation; that she suspected Plymouth of desiring the 
Narragansett lands; and that many thought the war unrighteous. On the other 
hand, Massachusetts had little use for men who would not fight for their rights, 
and less for those who appeared to disregard the needs of men injured in such 

3 The attack upon the Carpenter house has been mentioned before, p. 66, 
ante, but not in so great detail. 


Sheep and Cattell : we marched after them with all convenient 
Expedition, and came to the Swamp where they had been, 
but most of them were then fled, having by their Scouts dis- 
covered the Advance of our Men, yet our Horse killed, and 
took many of them, following the Pursuit, till our Horses were 
tired, our Men faint, and our Victuals spent: Insomuch that 
several Horses were killed and eaten, whereof the General 
(the worthy Josiah Winslow, Esquire, Governor of New 
London),^ eat his Part, and in all, as well hardships and 
dangers, was not wanting to encourage his Men by his own 
valiant Example: but finding it both vain and hazardous to 
march farther after this fljdng Rabble of barbarous Heathens, 
who we heard were then got together, about 5000 Men, Women 
and Children, towards Quobage; our Army left the Chace, 
and having placed a Garrison of about seventy Men, in Cap- 
tain Smith's (a strong) House, within four Miles of the Narra- 
gansets Dwellings, marched homewards to Marleborough, and 
from thence to Boston, where they were disbanded in December.^ 
But upon this, the Indians began to appear abroad again, 
as mischievous as ever; For the very next Week' they set 
upon Lancaster Town, killed several People, and carried away 
many Prisoners; such Houses as were fortified, defended them- 
selves, but the greatest Part of the Town they fired and plun- 
dered; and had destroyed the whole Place, had not Captain 
Wadsworth, upon hearing of the Guns, come with great Ex- 
pedition from Sudbury, with a Party to their Relief. After 
this they cut off a Farm-house near Sudbury, killed seven 
People in a barbarous Manner, and carried some away cap- 
tive. Three hundred of them set upon the Town of Maides- 
field,^ and burnt at least fifty Houses, killed and took divers 

* Plymouth. 

2 In the account on p, 67, ante, the total number of Indians was given 
as 4,000, of whom 1,800 were fighting men. The reader of to-day knows also 
that the Indians were as destitute of provisions as the whites. Finally the troops 
were disbanded in Boston in February and not in December. 

'Although warning of this attack was given by James Wiser, an Indian, 
Lancaster was surprised on February 10. The house of Rev. Joseph Rowland- 
son was burned and his wife and children, except one, were carried away by the 
Indians. Mrs. Rowlandson's story is given on pp. 112-167, post. 

* Medfield, February 21. The attack at Sudbury, February 1, was upon the 
family of Thomas Eames. , 




of the Inhabitants; being all surprised before they were aware : 
For the subtle Indians near Daybreak, came about the Houses 
privately and lay close in the Fences; And as People came 
out of their Houses shot them down. Upon this the Governour 
of Massachuset sent out about Five hundred or six hundred 
Men under the Conduct of Major Thomas Savadge and Cap- 
tain Mosely, as next in command to him, who, having Intelli- 
gence by a Girl that had made her Escape,^ that the Indians 
were in three Towns beyond Quoboge, marched thither, where 
they joyned Major Treat^ with the Connecticot Forces; but 
the Enemy were fled : only, skulkingly out of the Woods, they 
shot one of Capt. Mosely's Men and wounded one or two 
more. But their main Body being closely pursued, dispersed 
and ran into Woods and Swamps, so that it was impossible 
for our Men to come up with them, and therefore marched 
away for Hadley and Northampton, to secure them and the 
other Towns in those Parts, and by a special Providence came 
very seasonably; for within two Days after his Arrival, 
Northampton (though fortified round) was assaulted, the Cen- 
tinel Surprised and slain, and the Enemy entred the Forti- 
fications: Being ignorant (as it is supposed) of any Recruits 
newly come thither, but found such warm Entertainment, that 
though they had kindled their Fire, they durst not stay to 
roast their Breakfast, but were forced to fly with great Con- 
fusion; we having lost only three Men, and the Enemy above 
twenty, as was judged, though the Number could not be cer- 
tainly known; it being their Custome to carry off their Dead 
always with them, if possible. The next Day they appeared 
about a thousand strong, whereupon the Major drew out his 
Forces, and pursued them to their usual Place of Rendevouz 
near Deerfield; But they would not abide his coming up with 
them, but fled dispersedly into the Woods, where he was able 
to do little or no Execution upon them. 

The Councill of Boston (to the great Surprise of many 
People) refusing to maintain the Narraganset Garrison raised 
by the United Colonies, lodged as aforesaid in Mr. Smith's 
House, they having eat and destroyed what they could, 
quitted the said House, those of the Soldiers that belonged 

1 Mary Sheppard, who had been taken prisoner February 12. 

2 Major Robert Treat, mentioned ante, pp. 43 and 60. 



to Connecticot hiring a Boat to transport them to Pawcatucke, 
fearing to march through the Narraganset Country and those 
of the Massachusets and Phmmouth went to Seacunicke. But 
the very next Day after their Departure, the Indians came and 
burnt the said Garrison-house (one of the most dehghtf ul Seats 
in New England) and another House of the said Capt. Smiths 
at Sawgaw, together with all the Houses at Narraganset;^ 
and the Day following assaulted Warwick with so unhappy a 
Successe, that they burnt most of the Houses there, and indeed 
ruined all but four, which during the present Danger were 
kept by their Owners with their Friends and Servants as Gar- 
risons; out of which there was a Sally made with twenty Men, 
who with the Losse of one of their Number, killed ten of the 
Indians, yet could not preserve the Rest of the Town, nor 
hinder them from carrying from thence a considerable Booty 
of Cattel. 

The 14th of March, the savage Enemy set upon a consid- 
erable Town called Groughton,^ and burnt Major Wilberds 
House first (who with his Family removed to Charls Town) 
and afterwards destroyed sixty-five Dwelling-houses more 
there, leaving but six Houses standing in the whole Town, 
which they likewise furiously attempted to set on Fire; But be- 
ing fortified with Arms and Men as Garrisons, they with their 
Shot, killed several of the Enemy, and prevented so much 
of their Designe; Nor do we hear that any Person on our Side 
was here either slain or taken Captive; But the very next 
Day two Men coming from Malbury ^ to Sudbury, were set 
upon in the Woods by a great Number of Indian Women armed 
with Clubs, Pieces of Swords, and the like, who by their Num- 
bers having over-mastered the two poor Travellers, that had 
Nothing but small Sticks to defend themselves with, beat out 
their Brains, and cut off their privy Members, which they 
carried away with them in Triumph; so vain it is to expect 
any Thing but the most barbarous Usage from such a People 
amongst whom the most milde and gentle Sex delight in 

^Pawcatucke or Paugatuck is Westerly, Rhode Island; Seacunicke is 
Seekonk, Massachusetts, and Sawgaw is near Wickford, Rhode Island. 

2 The date of this attack upon Major Simon Willard at Groton is usually 
given March 13. One writer makes it March 7. 

3 Marlborough. 


Cruelties; and have utterly abandoned at once the two proper 
Virtues of Womankinde; Pity and Modesty. 

Their next Attempt (I mean of any considerable Body of 
the Indians) was upon a Town called Nashaway,^ which they 
set Fire to, and burnt down to the Ground; there was little 
Resistance made here, People endeavoring rather to escape 
their Fury by Flight than Opposition; and yet they killed 
many, burnt the Town down to the Ground, and took no lesse 
than five and fifty Persons into their merciless Captivity. 
And that you may perceive the malicious Hatred these In- 
fidels have to Religion and Piety, it may be observed, how 
they endeavored to signalize their Cruelty, and gratifie their 
enraged Spleen, chiefly on the Promoters of it; For of these 
55 Captives, the Minister of the Towns Relations made up 
no lesse than seventeen, viz: Mrs. Rowlinson^ the Minister's 
Wife, and his three Children, and two Sisters of her own, with 
seven, and the other with four Children. As they were lead- 
ing them away in this lamentable Condition, one of the Sisters 
being big with Childe, going into the Woods to be privately 
delivered, the Indians followed and in a jeering Manner, they 
would help her, and be her Midwives, and thereupon they bar- 
barously ript up her Body, and burnt the Child before her 
Face, and then in a merciful Cruelty, to put her out of her 
Pain, knockt her o'th Head. There was a Report that they 
had forced Mrs. Rowlinson to marry the one eyed Sachem, 
but it was soon contradicted; for being a very pious Woman 
and of great Faith, the Lord wonderfully supported her under 
this Affliction, so that she appeared and behaved her self 
amongst them with so much Courage and majestick Gravity, 
that none durst offer any Violence to her, but on the contrary 
(in their rude Manner) seemed to show her great Respect; 
But who can expresse the Sorrows of her Husband, the Min- 
ister and his Brother, when returning from Boston, presently 
after the Engagement, they found aU their Goods destroyed, 
their Houses laid in Ashes, and their dear Wives and Children 
thus miserably captivated: this was a fit Scene for Faith and 
Patience to be exercised in. In such a Junction of Affairs a 
Man had need have a God to go to for Support, and an Interest 

^ Lancaster; see p. 80, ante, and pp. 118-121, post. 
* Mrs. Joseph Rowlandson. 


in Christ to yield him Consolation. Mr. Rowlinson, after 
much Pains and Trouble ransomed his Wife for Twenty 
PoundS; and got her out of their Hands, but his Children 
and the Rest (if living) remain still in that most wretched 

About the same Time one Mr. Clarke's Wife, Children, 
and all his Family at his Farm House two Miles from Plimouth 
were surprized and killed, except one Boy, who was knockt 
down, and left for Dead, but afterwards taken up and revived. 
The House they plundered of Provisions and Goods to a great 
Value. Eight compleate Arms, 30 L of Powder, with an answer- 
able Quantity of Lead for Bullets, and 150 I. in ready Money; 
the said Mr. Clark himself narrowly escaping their Cruelty 
by being at that Instant at a Meeting.^ 

Sunday the 26th of March was sadly remarkable to us for 
the Tidings of a very deplorable Disaster brought unto Bos- 
ton about 5 a Cloak that Afternoon, by a Post from Dedham, 
viz., that Captain Peirce [of] Scituate,^ in PHmmouth Colony, 
having Intelligence in his Garrison at Seaconicke, that a 
Party of the Enemy lay near Mr. Blackstones,^ went forth 
with 63 English and twenty of the Cape Indians, (who had all 
along continued faithful, and joyned with them;) and upon 
their March, discovered rambling in an obscure woody Place, 
four or five Indians, who, in getting away from us, halted, as 
if they had been lame or wounded. But our Men had pursued 
them but a little Way into the Woods, before they found them 
to be only Decoys to draw them into their Ambuscade: for 
on a Sudden, they discovered above 500 Indians, who in very 
good Order, furiously attacqued them, being as readily re- 
ceived by ours. So that the Fight began to be very fierce and 

^ The massacre at William Clarke's house was on March 12. 

* Captain Michael Pierce. The Indians declared later that Pierce had 
attacked them on their way to Plymouth and that no injury to Rhode Island had 
been intended. 

3 William Blackstone was a clergyman of the Church of England, who had 
come out to Massachusetts Bay in 1623, and is famous as the first white inhabi- 
tant of Boston, and the sole occupant of that peninsula when Winthrop arrived. 
In 1634 he removed with his library to a place he called Study Hill, now Lons- 
dale, Rhode Island, on Blackstone River, continued there his recluse life, and 
died there May 26, 1675. A few weeks later his house, library, and papers were 
destroyed by the Indians. 


dubious, and our Men had made the Enemy begin to retreat ; 
but so slowly that it scarce deserved that Name, when a fresh 
Company of about 400 Indians came in; so that the English 
and their few Indian Friends were quite surrounded, and beset 
on every Side. Yet they made a brave Resistance, for above 
two Hours: during all which Time they did great Execution 
upon the Enemy, whom they kept at a Distance, and them- 
selves in Order. For Captain Pierce cast his 63 English and 
20 Indians into a Ring, and fought Back to Back, and were 
double-double Distance, all in one Ring, whilst the Indians 
were as thick as they could stand, thirty deep. Overpowered 
with whose Numbers, the said Captain, and 55 of his English, 
and ten of their Indian Friends were slain upon the Place; 
which, in such a Cause, and upon such Disadvantages, may 
certainly be stiled The Bed of Honour. However, they sold 
their worthy Lives at a gallant Rate; it being aflfirmed by 
those few that (not without wonderful Difficulty, and many 
Wounds,) made their Escape, that the Indians lost as many 
Fighting Men, (not counting Women and Children,) in this 
Engagement, as were killed at the Battle in the Swamp, near 
Narraganset, mentioned in our last Letter, which were generally 
computed to be above three Hundred. 

The same Day, some Christians going to a Meeting at 
Springfield, with a small Guard, were ambuscaded by eight 
Indians, and a Man and Woman slain; and the Rest, suppos- 
ing the Enemies Number to have been greater than it was, for 
in Truth, our Men were twice as many, yet struck with Terror, 
fled,^ and left two Women and two Children to the Enemies 
Mercy, whom they carried away Captive, greatly insulting [ex- 
ulting] that so few of them should make so many English fly. 
Of this Accident Major Savage of Hadley, being immediately 
advertised by a Post sent specially on that Occasion, dispatcht 
a Party of Horse to pursue the Enemy, and the next Morning 
found their Track, and soon after discovered them; who, 
seeing our Men approach, took the two poor Infants, and in 
the Sight both of their Mothers and our Men, tossed them up 
in the Air, and dasht their Brains out against the Rocks, 
and with their Hackets [Hatchets] knockt down the Women, 

1 A rumor that Philip himself with over a thousand warriors was in the 
neighborhood may have caused the terror here mentioned. 


and forthwith fled. The Place being exceeding rocky, and a 
Swamp just by, our Horse could not follow them, and on Foot 
were not able to overtake them; so that the bloudy Villains, 
for the Present, escaped deserved Vengeance; yet it pleased 
God, that both the Women revived, and being come again to 
their Understanding, one of them declared that she knew 
every Particular Person of these eight Indians, and that they 
advised them to put all the Men they could light upon to 
Death but to save as many Women and Houses as they could, 
for them. 

On Tuesday following, the barbarous Infidels destroied sixty 
and six Houses, besides Barns and Buildings in Seaconicke,^ 
but we do not hear of any Person there slain. On Wednes- 
day, they stormed Providence, and consumed the greatest 
Part of the Houses; but without taking away the Life of any 
Person, except one Wright, of whom it is reported, that he 
was a Man of a singular and sordid Humour; of great Knowl- 
edge in the Scriptures, but of no particular professed Sect or 
Perswasion; one that derided Watches, Fortifications, and all 
publick Endeavours and Administrations for the common 
Safety; insomuch, that after all Alarms round about, he re- 
fused to bring in any of his Goods, (which were of considerable 
Value,) or to shelter himself in any Garrison, but presumed 
he should be safe in his own House, where the Enemy found 
and butchered him. It is further credibly related concerning 
him, that he had a strange Confidence, or rather Conceit, 
that whilst he held his Bible in his Hand, he looked upon 
himself as secure from all kinde of Violence; and, that the 
Enemy, finding him in that Posture, deriding his groundless 
Apprehension, or Folly therein, ripped him open and put his 
Bible in his Belly. 

But indeed the Reason that the Inhabitants of the Town 
of Seaconicke and Providence generally escaped with their 
Lives, is not to be attributed to any Compassion or Good 
Nature of the Indians, (whose very Mercies are inhumane 
Cruelties,) but, (next to God's Providence,) to their own Pru- 
dence in avoiding their Fury, when they found themselves too 
weak and unable to resist it, by a timely Flight into Rhode 

^That part of Seekonk constituting Rehoboth, Massachusetts, burned 
apparently March 28, 1676. Providence suffered further on June 29. 


Island/ which now became the common Zoar,^ or Place of 
Refuge for the Distressed; yet some remained till their com- 
ing to distroy the said Towns; as, in particular, Mr. Williams, 
at Providence,^ who knowing several of the Chief Indians 
that came to Fire that Town, discoursed with them a con- 
siderable Time, who pretended their greatest Quarrel was 
against Plimmouth; and as for what they attempted against 
the other Colonies, they were constrained to it, by the Spoil 
that was done them at Narraganset. They told him that 
when Capt. Pierce engaged them near Mr. Blackstone's they 
were bound for Plimouth. They gloried much in their Suc- 
cess, promising themselves the Conquest of the whole Coun- 
try, and rooting out of all the English. Mr. Williams reproved 
their Confidence; minded them of their Cruelties, and told them 
that the Bay, viz., Boston, could yet spare ten thousand Men; 
and if they should destroy aU them, yet, it was not to be 
doubted, our King would send as many every Year from Old 
England, rather than they should share the Countrey. They 
answered proudly, that they should be ready for them, or to 
that Effect; but told Mr. Williams that he was a good Man, 
and had been kinde to them formerly, and therefore would 
not hurt him.^ 

About the latter End of March came Advice from New 
York, that the Indians, in a Bravado, had released two Eng- 
lish Captives, and sent them down thither to give Information 
of what they had seen, which was, that being carried with a 
Party three Days Journey towards the North-East, from the 
Place where King Philip lay, (which was between thirty and 
fourty English Miles from Albany) ,5 He came up to an 
Indian Rendevouz, made by a mighty Sachem near Hossicke- 
River,^ towards Canada, where one of them told one and 

^ "Rhode Island" means specifically, as it usually means in writings of that 
period, the island of that name, on which Newport is situated, as distinguished 
from Providence Plantations. 

2 Gen. xix. 20-22. 3 Roger Williams. 

^ A somewhat different account of the meeting between Williams and the 
Indians given by Backus, the historian of the Baptists, states that the elder 
Indians warned Williams against venturing among the younger warriors, upon 
which he returned to the garrison. 

^ Philip's place of retreat during the preceding winter — Schaghticoke. 

^ Hoosic. 


twenty hundred Men, compleat; and the Indians themselves 
drawing out into three Ranks, (that he might view them 
the Better,) made him tell them over three Times; who, 
he said, were generally well armed, with good Firearms, 
and most of them young Men; few so old as forty. And, 
that amongst them there were about 500 of those with 
Straws about their Noses, commonly called French Indians. 
That neither King Philip nor that Party, consisting of about 
four Hundred, were then with them and that the said Philip's 
own Men were not above one Hundred; himself being very 
sickly, and having but little Esteem or Authority amongst 

One of the said released Prisoners declared further, that 
from that Rendevouz he returned with the Rest towards 
Albany, being afterwards given by the North Indians to the 
MahicandersV; or River Indians, (who have been always sus- 
pected to be too kinde to those bloody Ones of the North.) 
And also affirms that the said North Indians, at the said 
Rendevouz, in a vapouring Manner, declared, that their In- 
tent was, first to destroy Connecticot this Spring, then Boston 
in the Harvest, and afterwards the Dutch, (meaning what the 
Dutch had here.) 

About the same Time also, there was much Discourse and 
Consultation about a Project for giving these Northern In- 
dians that thus infested and harassed New England, a Diver- 
sion, by engaging the Mohucks^ (another Sort of Indians, 
inhabiting towards New- York, and formerly inveterate En- 
emies to these,) against them on the other Side. And it was 
certainly reported, that the Governour of New York would, 
upon request, and reasonable Proposalls, freely make use of 
his Interest amongst that People, (which is very great,) for 
effecting so good a Design. Yea, the Pequod Sachem, who 
always has continued friendly and faithful to the English, ven- 
turing his Men on all Occasions, (who have done very good 
Service,) seemed much to wonder that we did not carry it 
on; affirming that the said Mohucks were the only Persons 
likely to put an End to the War, by hindering the Enemy 
from Planting; and forcing them down upon us. But this 
Counsell, (for I know not what good Reasons of Some amongst 

1 Mohegans. ^ Mohawks. 


us,) was not thought fit/ (at least for the Present,) to be so 
vigourously pursued, as Some expected: But to proceed with 
the Narrative. 

On the second of April, Maj. Savage, Capt. Mosely, Capt. 
William Turner, and Capt. WhitpoU ^ with 300 Men, marched 
from Marleborow to Quoboge, where they had ordered the 
Connecticot Forces to attend their coming. And accordingly 
the Parties being joined, endeavoured to finde out the Enemy, 
and give them Battel; but these Heathens being like Wolves, 
and other Beasts of Prey, that commonly do their Mischiefs 
in the Night, or by Stealth, durst not come forth out of the 
Woods and Swamps, where they lay skulking in small Com- 
panies, being so light of Foot that they can run away when 
they list, and pass Boggs, rocky Mountains and Thickets, 
where we could by no Means pursue them. Only now and 
then we met with some Straglers before they were aware. 
Ajid one Time marching towards Northampton, had a brisk 
Dispute with a small Party who fell upon our Rear; but we 
quickly repelled them, and killed about 20, in a hot Pursuit 
after them, without the Losse of one Man on our Side, and 
but one wounded. 

About the same Time, Maj. Palmer,^ having been scour- 
ing the Narragansets Country, brought in 30 of the Enemy, 
and 60 of Ninnicrofts People, which were about 30 fighting 
Men, who delivered up themselves to our Protection. We 
kept their Wives and Children safely, as Hostages, and made 
the Men go abroad with our Parties, who did us great Service 
in clearing the Woods. Likewise the Pequods and Mohegins, 
(who proved a good Guard to New London, Norwich, and the 
River's Mouth,) brought in 27 of the Enemy and much Plunder. 

April the 6 John Winthrope, Esq. a Member of the Royal 
Society, and Governour of Connecticot Colony, having like 
a faithful Patriot, served his Country, dyed at Boston, of a 
natural Distemper, after about eight Days Sickness, and was 

^The correspondence between the governments of Connecticut and New 
York regarding this proposed stirring up of the Indians against each other re- 
flects little credit on either party. Little wonder the plan "was not thought fit." 

2 Captain John Whipple. Further information as to Captain Turner is on 
p. 95, post 

' Major Edward Palmes, according to Hubbard. 


there interred in his Fathers Tomb, with an universal Lamen- 
tation, and all the Honours that our Distresses and Distractions 
would allow. And, though it be usually said Inter arma silent 
MuscB, yet could not all our martial Confusions wholly strike 
our Muses dumb, upon so worthy an Occasion, (enough to 
make our Country bathe itself in Tears, as it hath lately done in 
Bloud,) but they appeared in Publique to pay a Funeral Tribute 
to his honourable Dust, in a no lesse ingenious than passionate 
and mournfuU Elegy upon him, printed here at Boston.^ 

The next Day the Governour intended to have marched 
out with about three hundred English of his own Colony, 
and 50 Cape-Indians,^ and all Things were in a Readiness 
accordingly; but not being supplied with any Assistance from 
us, he wanted Soldiers to secure his own Towns, if they should 
be attacqued suddenly by the Indians, (who lie in Wait for 
such Opportunities,) during his Absence, and therefore was 
forced to let fall his Designe, and continue at Home. 

The 11 of April, Capt. Denison,^ with an 100 English 
Volunteers, belonging to CorinectTcbt Colony, and as many 
Indians, of whom some were Mohegins, some Pequods, and 
some of Ninnicrofts Men, that had revolted from him; the 
said friendly Indians being commanded by the young Sachem 
Unkus, whose Father, (the only Christian Sagamore,) hath 
during all this War continued faithful; upon their March, 
ranging the Narraganset Countrey near Potuxit, they fell upon 
a Party of the Enemy, commanded by that famous but very 
bloudy and cruel Sachem, Quononshot, otherwise called Myan- 
tonomy, whom the English formerly presented with a rich 
Lac't Coat.^ They fought very obstinately a considerable 

* Benjamin Thompson's A Funeral Tribute to the Honourable Dust of that 
Most Charitable Christian, Unbiassed Politician, and unimitable Pyrotechnist John 
Winthrope esq., a broadside (Boston, John Foster, 1676), of which only one copy 
is known. The elegy was included in Thompson's New England's Tears for her 
present Miseries, and is prefixed to the 1677 edition of Hubbard's Indian Wars. 

2 Indians from Cape Cod. 

" CapjaJn Ge orge Denis on. For Ninnicroft (Ninigret) and Uncas see pp. 
24, S2fante. 

* Quononshot or Canonchet is identified by "N. S." with Myantonomy 
(Miantonomo), but the former was the son of the latter, who had been killed by 
Uncas, at the instance of the English, in 1643. The "Lac't Coat" had been given 
at the treaty in Boston the preceding October. 


Time, but at last, our Men, with very small Losse, obtained 
the Victory; killed above 50 of the Enemy on the Place, and 
took 40 more alive; and amongst the Rest that insolent 
Sachem, Myantonomy himself, together with another Sachem, 
and several other of his chief Counsellors and Friends. The 
said Myantonomys Carriage was strangely proud and lofty, 
after he was taken. Being examined why he did foment that 
War, which would certainly be the Destruction of him and all 
the Heathen Indians in the Country, etc. He would make 
no other Reply to any Interrogatories, but this; — That he was 
born a Prince, and if Princes came to speak with him he would 
answer, but none present being such, he thought himself 
obliged in Honour to hold his Tongue, and not hold Discourse 
with such Persons, below his Birth and Quallity. He told them 
he wisht rather to die than to continue under Confinement;^ 
that all he desired was not to be tortured, but presently be 
put to Death; which he requested might be done by young 
Unkus, that aided us; as acknowledging him his fellow Prince; 
yet, withall, threatned, he had 2,000 Men would revenge his 
Death severely. Wherefore, our Forces, fearing an Escape, 
put the stoutest Men to the Sword, biit_preser ved Myant on- 
om y till they returnedLto^tonington^ where bur InHiari l^Hends 

and most of the English Soldiers, declaring to the Commanders 
their Fear, that the English should, upon Conditions, release 
him, and that then he would, (though the English might have 
Peace with him,) be very pernicious to those Indians that now 
assisted us. The said Indians, (on these Considerations, and the 
Mischiefs, and Murthers he had done, during this War,) [were] 
permitted to put him to Death. And, that all might share in 
the Glory of destroying so great a Prince, and come under the 
Obligation of Fidelity each to other, the Pequods shot him, 
the Mohegins cut off his Head and quartered his Body, and 
the Ninnicrofts Men made the Fire and burned his Quarters; 
and as a Token of their Love and Fidelity to the English, 
presented his Head to the Council at Hartford. 

About the same Time we had Information from an Indian 
Spy, taken by our Army, that the Enemy had a Designe, on 
the next Day, to fall upon the Garrison, and some few Houses 

^ Canonchet was offered his life "upon condition of compliance with the 
English," but refused the terms. 


that remained at Marlborough, to revenge the Death of one 
of their eminent Men that was slain when they were last there : 
(His Name being concealed.) Upon which, our Major Gen- 
eral, who was sent to meet Major Savage, and accompany 
him and his Forces to Boston, commanded Capt. Moseley and 
another Captain, with their Companies, thither, to abide and 
expect the Enemy, 24 Hours; but they not coming in that 
Time, our said Forces were called Home and disbanded, to 
the Dissatisfaction of some People, who thereupon feared the 
like fatall Consequences, that but a little before attended the 
like Occasion. Nor were such their Apprehensions vain, for 
within four Days afterwards News arrived at Boston that all 
the Houses at the said Town of Maryborough (except the 
Garrison) were destroied. 

April 20. Capt. Wadsworth^ of Dorchester, being designed 
with an 100 Men to repair to Marlborough, to strengthen the 
Garrison, and remove the Goods, etc., there; did accordingly 
this Evening march with about 70 Men from Sudbury the 
Rest of his Men not appearing. The Enemy who were about 
a 1000 strong lay near his Passage, but kept themselves un- 
discovered, and permitted him to passe them in the Night, 
but in the Morning assaulted and burned most of the Houses 
in Sudbury (save those that were ingarrisoned :) Upon which 
the Town of Concord receiving the Alarm, 12 resolute young 
Men hastened from thence to their Neighbour's Relief, but 
were waylaid, and 11 of them cut off; But by the Time Capt. 
Wadsworth was come to Marlborough, the Alarm and News of 
this Disaster overtook him, and although he had marched all 
the Day and Night before, and his Men much wearied, yet he 
hastened back againe and was accompanied by Capt. Brockle- 
bank,2 Commander of the Garrison at Marleborough, with 
what small Number he durst spare out of his Garrison. When 
they arrived within a Mile and a half of Sudbury, the Enemy, 
having hid themselves behind the Hills, sent forth two or three 
to cross the March of our Forces, and being seen, to counter- 
feit themselves affrighted and fly, thereby to trapan our Men 
into their Ambuscade, which mischievous Designe succeeded 

1 Captain Samuel Wadsworth of Milton, a town created from Dorchester 
in 1662. 

^ Captain Samuel Brocklebank of Rowley. 


according to their Wishes, for our Men pursuing them, and 
being not above 80 in Number, and those miserably tired as 
well with tedious Marches as for want of Sleep, were suddenly- 
set upon, and on every Side encompassed with the Enemy, 
being about a 1000 strong; yet not at all dismaied with their 
Numbers, nor dismal Shouts, and horrid Yellings, ours made 
a most couragious Resistance; and having gained the Top of 
a Hill, they from thence gallantly defended themselves with 
the Loss of five Men near four Hours; the cowardly Savages 
disheartened with the Sight of so many of their Fellows slain 
in the first Attacque, not daring to venture close upon them, 
yet (that we may not think these Barbarians altogether un- 
acquainted with Stratagems, nor so Silly as to neglect any 
Advantages,) at last they set the Woods on Fire to the Wind- 
ward of our Men, which by Reason of the Winde blowing very 
hard and the Grass being exceeding dry, burnt with a terrible 
Fierceness, and with the Smoak and Heat was like to choak 
them; so that being no longer able at once to resist the ap- 
proaching Fire, and the cruel Enemy, they were forced to quit 
that advantagious Post in Disorder; which the Indians taking 
Advantage of came on upon them like so many Tigers, and 
dulling their active Swords with excessive Numbers, obtained 
the Dishonour of a Victory; our two Captains after incompa- 
rable Proofs of their Resolution and Gallantry, being slain upon 
the Place; together with most of their Men; but those few 
that remained, escaped to a Mill, which they defended till 
Night, when they were hapily rescued by Capt. Prentice, who 
coming in the Day hastily, though somewhat too late to the 
Relief of Capt. VVadsworth, having not above Six Troopers 
that were able to keep Way with him, fell into a Pound or 
Place near Sudbury Towns End, where all Passages were 
stopt by the Indians; and had not Captain Cowell ^ (who in 
his Return from Quoboge had avoided the Common Rode 
providentially), at that Instant come thither with about thirty 
Dragoons (who were forced to fight their Way through) and two 
Files of Men sent from a Garrison to secure another Passage, 
which the Enemy hastned to stop against Capt. Cowell, both 
the said Capt. Prentice and his Men, and the Remainder of 
the said Captain Wadsworths Men in the Mill, had been all 

1 Captain Edward Cowell of Boston. 


killed or taken alive: nor did Captain Cowell lose above six 
or seven of his Men in this Engagement: but so insolent were 
the Indians grown upon their first Successe against Captain 
Wadsworth, that they sent us Word, to provide Store of good 
Chear, for they intended to dine with us upon the Election Day.^ 
But for preventing any Danger that might happen on that 
Occasion, the following Order was printed and published. 

At a Council held at Boston, April 21 1676. 

For the Prevention of such Mischiefs as may be designed by the 
common Enemy, and the Securing of the several Plantations upon 
the Day of Publike Election now drawing near: 

It is Ordered, That the Committees of Militia in each Town, 
do take effectual Care that the Trained Soldiers be in Arms upon 
that Day, and keep Watch and Ward with all Diligence, under the 
Command of one Commission-OflScer at least, or some other meet 
Person where no Commission-Officer is to be had. Which Com- 
mander so employed for that Day in every Town, is also strictly re- 
quired to forbid and prevent all Rudeness by Playing, Drinking, or 
otherwise; and for the better Execution of this Order, The Com- 
mittees of Militia aforesaid shall take some meet Course for the 
seasonable Publishing the same to their several Towns; that such of 
them as are Freemen, may (as many of them as may be) timely put 
in their Votes by Proxy, which for this extraordinary Season is most 
advisable, and hereby recommended to them to do : All Soldiers and 
Inhabitants being hereby enjoyned and Commanded in all Respects 
to yield Obedience accordingly. 

By the Council, 

Edward Rawson, SecW. 

April 26. Captain Hinskman^ having received Commis- 
sion and Instruction, did then march for Major Wilberds 
Funerall (who died in his Bed in Peace, though (jrod had hon- 
oured him with severall signal Victories over our Enemys in 
War) to Charles-Town, and from thence to Concord, the Place 
of Rendevouz. From Mr. Woodcock's Garrison^ we hear 

^ By the charter, election day was the last Wednesday in Easter term; this 
year, May 3, 1676. 

2 Captain Daniel Henchman of Worcester, Massachusetts. 

^ Woodcock's Garrison was on the old stage road from Providence to Boston, 
about 30 miles from the latter city. The attack mentioned was on April 27, and 
John Woodcock's son Nathaniel was killed. 


that himself and two of his Sons, and some other Men being 
gone out to Labour in the Field, were, about this Time sur- 
prised; one of his Sons and another Man being killed, and 
himself and the other Son dangerously (though it pleased God, 
not mortally) wounded; so that there were only five sound 
Persons left to keep Garrison, besides the old Woman and 
three Daughters, and yet (through Mercy) it has always held 

May the First, Captain Dennison with his Volunteers and 
Indians fell upon a Party of the Enemy, and killed Six and 20 
of them, and took fifty Captives; Also we had Advice, that 
the Pequods and other friendly Indians, had carried many 
Prisoners to New-London; that some had voluntarily surren- 
dered themselves to the Magistrates of Connecticot-Colony, 
and more came in from the Sachem of Penny-cook.^ 

About a Fortnight afterwards, the forementioned Captain 
Turner,^ by Trade a Taylor, but one that for his Valour has 
left behinde him an Honourable Memory, hearing of the In- 
dians being about Twenty Miles above them at Connecticot 
River, drew out a Party at Hadly and Northampton, where 
there was a Garrison, and marching all Night, came upon 
them before Day-break, they having no Centinels or Scouts 
abroad, as thinking themselves secure, by Reason of their 
remote Distance from any of our Plantations : Ours taking this 
Advantage of their Negligence, fell in amongst them, and killed 
several hundreds of them upon the Place; they being out of 
any Posture or Order to make any formidable Resistance, 
though they were six Times superiour to us in Number: But 
that which was almost as much, nay in some respect more 
considerable than their Lives, We there destroied all their 
Ammunition and Provision, which we think they can hardly 
be so soon and easily recruited with, as possibly they may be 
with Men. We likewise here demolisht Two Forges they had 
to mend their Armes; took away all their Materialls and Tools, 
and drove many of them into the River, where they were 

^The Pennacook tribe was a part of a group of Indians living along the 
Merrimac River and known as Pawtuckets. The Pennycook division were 
seated near Concord, New Hampshire, and their Sachem was Wanalancet. 

2 Captain William Turner; see p. 89, ante. The place of the conflict has 
ever since been called Turner's Falls, Massachusetts. 


drowned, and threw two great Piggs of Lead of theirs (in- 
tended for making of Bullets) into the said River. But this 
great Success was not altogether without its Allay, as if Provi- 
dence had designed to Checquer our Joys and Sorrows; and 
lest we should Sacrifice to our own Nets, and say, Our own 
Arms or Prowesse hath done this, to permit the Enemy pres- 
ently after to take an advantage against us; For as our Men 
were returning to Hadly, in a dangerous Passe, which they 
were not sufficiently aware of, the skulking Indians (out of 
the Woods), killed at one Volley, the said Captain and Eight 
and Thirty of his Men; but immediately after they had dis- 
charged, they fled. 

In June Major Talkot^ slew and took Captive Four and 
Twenty of the Enemies in one Weeks Time, and also killed 
the Old Queen of Narraganset, and an arch Villain of their 
Party, that had been with them at the sacking of Providence, 
famously known by the Name of Stonewall, or Stone-Layer 
John,^ for that being an active ingenious Fellow he had 
learnt the Mason's Trade, and was of great Use to the 
Indians in building their Forts, etc. Likewise Potucke, the 
Great Indian Counsellour, (a Man considering his Education 
of a wonderfull Subtlety) was brought Prisoner into Rhode 

In July, we had very considerable Forces abroad, who 
took and killed above 200 of the barbarous bloudy Indians, 
and that cruell Infidel Puncham^ among the Rest. 

The Squaw Sachem,^ King Philip's Sister, who at First 
so much promoted this Warr, and was since by Treaty with 
Ninnicroft, Sachem of the Narragansetts, to be delivered up, 

* Major John Talcott. 

'^"Stone-wall, or Stone-Layer John," mentioned ante, p. 59. The "Old 
Queen of Narraganset" was sister to Ninigret and married a son of Canonicus, 
She is known by other names, the most common being Quaiapen. 

3 Potucke (Potuck, Potok) lived near the present Point Judith. He was 
sent to Boston later and is said to have been shot. For Puncham (Pumham), 
see p. 67, ante. 

*The Squaw Sachem of Pocasset, Weetamoo (p. 25, ante), never surren- 
dered. The person confused with her is Awashonks, sometimes called the 
"Squaw Sachem of Saconet," whom Captain Benjamin Church persuaded to 
surrender in July, 1676. Weetamoo was found August 3, drowned in Taunton 
River, when on her way to rejoin Philip at Mount Hope. 


hath lately surrendered herself, and is come into the Plimmouth 
Army^ having submitted to the Mercy of Major Bradford, 
who^ with a small Party some Time since separated himself 
from the Rest of his Narragansets, pretending (when he found 
they could not Prosper) that he disapproved of their Doings, 
in breaking their Treaty with the English, hath likewise taken 
Shelter under our Forces at Stonington, to secure his Life at 
present: For not only those of his Men that continue in Re- 
bellion still, but likewise those that formerly surrendered 
themselves to us, threaten to cut off his Head; the First pre- 
tending that by his treacherous Councils he drew them into 
this Warr, and then basely deserted them: and the Second, 
charging him as a Traytor and Truce-breaker to the English. 
Thus abominable is Treachery and Violation of ones Faith, 
even amongst the most barbarous and savage Infidels. 

King Philip and some of these Northern Indians being 
wandered up towards Albany, the Mohucks marched out very 
strong, in a warlike Posture upon them, putting them to Flight, 
and pursuing them as far as Hossicke River, which is about 
two Days March from the East Side of Hudson's River to 
the N. E., killing divers, and bringing away some Prisoners 
with great Pride and Triumph; which ill Successe on that Side 
where they did not expect any Enemy, having lately endeav- 
oured to make up the ancient Animosities, did very much 
daunt and discourage the said Northern Indians; so that some 
hundreds came in and submitted themselves to the English at 
Plimmouth-Colony; and Philip himself is run skulking away 
into some Swamp, with not above ten Men attending him; 
Nor doubt we shortly to have a good Account given of that 
Prime Incendiary; there being severall of our Troops daily 
abroad in Quest of him.^ 

It is computed by most judicious Men, That the Indians 
that were killed, taken, sent away, and now of Late come in 
by Way of Submission, cannot in all, (Men, Women and Chil- 
dren,) amount to fewer than Six Thousand, besides vast 
Quantities of their Corn, Houses, Ammunition, and other 

^ "Who," i. e., Ninnicroft or Ninigret. The charges made against him by 
our writer are unjust, considering the circumstances of the time and the posi- 
tion of the Indian leader. 

^ Until July, 1676, Philip had never been seen by the colonists in any battle. 


Necessaries, without which they cannot long Subsist, in Hos- 
tihty, taken and destroyed. 

A True hut Brief Account of our Losses sustained since this 
Cruel and Mischievous War began, take as follows: 

In Narraganset not one House left standing. 

At Warwick, but one. 

At Providence, not above three. 

At Potuxit, none left. 

Very few at Seaconicke. 

At Swansey, two, at most. 

Marlborough, wholy laid in Ashes, except two or three 

Grantham and Nashaway,^ all ruined but one House or 

Many Houses burnt at Springfield, Scituate, Lancaster, 
Brookefield and Northampton. 

The greatest Part of Rehoboth and Taunton destroyed. 

Great Spoil made at Hadley, Hatfield and Chelmsford. 

Deerfield wholly, and Westfield much ruined. 

At Sudbury, many Houses burnt, and some at Hingham, 
Weymouth, and Braintree. 

Besides particular Farms and Plantations, a great Number 
not be reckoned up, wholly laid waste, or very much damnified. 

And as to Persons, it is generally thought, that of the 
English there hath been lost, in all. Men Women and Chil- 
dren, above Eight Hundred,^ since the War began : Of whom 
many have been destroyed with exquisite Torments, and most 
inhumane Barbarities; the Heathen rarely giving Quarter to 
those that they take, but if they were Women, they first forced 
them to satisfie their filthy Lusts and then murdered them; 
either cutting off the Head, ripping open the Belly, or skulp- 
ing the Head of Skin and Hair, and hanging them up as Tro- 
phies; wearing Men's Fingers as Bracelets about their Necks, 
and Stripes of their Skins which they dresse for Belts. They 

^ Groton and Lancaster. 

2 Another estimate {News from New England, 1676) gives the loss as 444 
killed and 55 taken prisoners for the colonists, and 910 for the Indians. Trum- 
bull in his History of Connecticut gives the total loss of the colonists as about 600. 


knockt one Youth of the Head, and lajdng him for dead, they 
flead (or skulp'd) his Head of Skin and Hair. After which 
the Boy wonderfully revived, and is now recovered, only he 
hath Nothing but the dry Skull, neither Skin nor Hair on his 
Head. Nor have our Cattle escaped the Cruelty of these 
worse than Brute and Savage Beasts: For what Cattle they 
took they seldom killed outright: or if they did, would eat 
but little of the Flesh, but rather cut their Bellies, and letting 
them go several Days, trailing their Guts after them, putting 
out their Eyes, or cutting off one Leg, etc. 

But to reckon up all their Cruelties, would be no lesse 
burthensome to compassionate Christians Ears, than too 
tedious for a Letter, which is already swelled too big; and 
therefore I think it now high Time to conclude, with hearty 
Thanks to Almighty God for our late Successes against this 
bloudy Enemy, whereby though not wholly freed from Ap- 
prehensions of future Dangers; yet we have Grounds to hope, 
that their Fury is much quasht and abated; so that (if our 
Sins obstruct not so great a Blessing) we may shortly once 
again see Peace and Safety restored to our (lately disconsolate) 
Habitations in this Wilderness, For which, as I doubt not of 
the Concurrence of yours and all good Christians Prayers: 
so I shall not fail to recommend you and yours to the same 
Almighty Protection, and with my hearty Respects presented, 

Your affectionate Friend and Servant, 

N. S. 


ENDED, BY R. H., 1677 

ENDED, BY R. H., 1677 

The Warr in New-England Visibly Ended. King Philip that 
harbarous Indian now Beheaded, and most of his Bloudy 
Adherents submitted to Mercy, the Rest fled far up into the 
Countrey, which hath given the Inhabitants Encouragement 
to prepare for their Settlement, Being a True and Perfect 
Account brought in by Caleb More, Master of a Vessel 
newly Arrived from Rhode Island, And Published for gen- 
eral Satisfaction. 

Licensed November 4. Roger UEstrange. 

London: Printed by F. B. for Dorman Newman at the King's 
ArmSf in the Poultry, 1677.^ 

New-Englands Warr Visibly Ended. 

In my last, which I hope you received, I must acknowledge 
what I writ (though Truth) yet I had not that comfortable 
Satisfaction in my Spirit, to give me Hopes, that our publique 
Calamities were so near an End as now I have, which God in 
Mercy sanctify to us, that we may see the Rod, and where- 
fore it is come. 

We have been, and still are ready to put different Reflec- 
tions upon the Murders and Spoils that have been made upon ^ 
us by this Destructive War: Various are Men's Thoughts why 
God hath suffered it, all acknowledge it was for Sin; many 
wish there hath not been some Leaven of that Spirit in the 
Provocation for which we left Old England. I am in great 
Pain while I write, to remember how severe some of us have 
been to Dissenters,^ making Spoil without Pity, but God is 
teaching us Moderation. 

^Title-page of original. 

* Doubtless the reference is partly to Anne Hutchinson, the aunt of the 
author of this tract. 



That black Cloud (God be thanked) begins to waste almost 
to Nothing, which may not only give us an hopeful Oppor- 
tunity of repairing the Spoils made by our barbarous Neigh- 
bors, but also, deliberating upon the true Causes of these great 
. Distractions: for now we have no visible Appearance of an 
X Enemy: Terrour is fallen upon very many, who come in dayly 
with Submission, and the Rest withdraw into Places remote, 
hiding their Weapons of War, and flying from Justice in small 

King Philip, who hath been a pestilent Ringleader, that 
had once three hundred Men (Barbarously inclined) as I told 
you in my last,^ was reduced to ten, but now is killed, in this 
Manner. He being hid in a Swamp on Mount Hope Neck, 
with his little Party, one of his Indians being discontented 
with him made an Escape from him, and came to Rhode- 
Island, and informed Capt. Church a Plimouth Captain of a 
Company that was in Search after this said King Philip, (the 
Captain being at this Time on the said Island, refreshing his 
Men with Necessary Provisions) but understanding where 
King Philip was, and that he intended very speedily to remove 
far off, to provide his Winter-quarter, retaining still the same 
Barbarous Spirit and Purposes, without the least Appearance 
of Reluctancy or Offers of Mediation, towards his Surrender 
to Mercy; whereupon the said Captain and his Company 
with some Rhode-Island Men went in Pursuit and Search 
after him, taking an Indian Guide with them, and beset a 
Swamp where they heard he was, which was very miry, and 
the Ground so loose, that our Men sunk to the Middle in their 
Attempts to come at this sculking Company; but all in vain, 
the Passage was too difficult. 

While we were thus beset with Difficulties in this Attempt, 
the Providence of God wonderfully appeared, for by Chance^ 

^ The tract, or unprinted letter, to which the author refers is unknown, but 
the general feeling in New England regarding Eong Philip is well expressed in 
these and the following lines. Captain (later Colonel) Benjamin Church who 
captured Philip became from that circumstance the hero of the war. His memoirs, 
written down by his son Thomas Church, Entertaining Passages, etc., are among 
the most valuable sources for a history of the period covered by them. 

^ The "Plimouth Man" and the guide named Alderman had been stationed 
by Captain Church at a point where the latter thought Philip likely to appear, 
and according to the Church narrative it was the guide whose shots took effect. 


the Indian Guide and the Plimouth Man being together, the 
Guide espied an Indian and bids the Plimouth-man shoot, 
-whose Gun went not off, only flashed in the Pan; with that 
the Indian looked about, and was going to shoot, but the 
Plimouth-man prevented him, and shot the Enemy through 
the Body, dead, with a Brace of Bullets; and approaching 
the Place where he lay, upon Search, it appeared to be Ejng 
Philip, to their no small Amazement and great Joy.^ This 
seasonable Prey was soon divided, they cut off his Head and 
Hands, and conveyed them to Rhode-Island, and quartered 
his Body, and hung it upon four Trees. One Indian more of 
King Philip's Company they then killed, and some of the 
Rest they wounded, but the Swamp being so thick and miry, 
they made their Escape. 

This is the Substance of this Enterprize, and the small 
Remnant we left as inconsiderable, who must either fly up 
into the Countrey, or perish in the Place. 

There is one Potuck, a mischievous Engine, and a Coun- 
sellour, taken formerly, said to be in GoaP at Rhode-Island, is 
now sent to Boston, and there shot to Death. One Quonepin 
a young lusty Sachem, and a very Rogue is now in Goal at 
Rhode-Island, who was there some Years ago for his Misde- 
meanours, but broke Goal, and run away, and could never 
till now be laid hold on. 

God be thanked, many Indians come in daily, and submit 
themselves with much Dejection, crying out against King 
Philip, and other ill Counsellors, as the Causes of their Mis- 

The English go many of them now to their Old Habitations, 
and Mow down their Ground, and make Hay, and do other 
Occasions necessary for their resettling: All which gives us 

causing Philip to fall "upon his face in the mud and water, with his gun under 

1 The next morning, August 12, 1676, "Captain Church gave them the news 
of Philip's death upon which the whole army gave three loud huzzas." 

2 Gaol, jaU. 

'With the capture of Potuck, p. 96, ante, Quinnapin, the husband of 
Weetamoo, and Annawon and Tishaquin, two able lieutenants of Philip, the 
war in southern New England virtually ended. In Maine there were minor 
conflicts until winter, when the Indians were compelled to look to the English 
for food. 


comfortable Hope that God will graciously repair our Breaches, 
and cause this Bloody War to End in a lasting Peace, so prays, 

Your faithful Friend, 

R. H.1 


»The initials stand for Richard Hutchinson, nephew of the well known 
Anne Hutchinson. See the introduction to The Present State of New England. 



In January, 1676, a Christian Indian, Quanapaug (James 
Wiser) of the Nashaway tribe, appears to have warned Gov- 
ernor John Leverett, of Massachusetts, of a probable attack 
upon Lancaster, but because of other points of danger and 
the uncertainty resulting from the Swamp Fight of the pre- 
ceding December, this warning was not heeded. Lancaster 
was a frontier town of some fifty families, already organized 
into five or six garrisons. The colonial government thought 
its aid more needed elsewhere, and appears to have disre- 
garded the pleas of Mr. Rowlandson, the minister, and of 
Lieutenant Henry Kerley for help, even when they came to 
the colonial capital to reinforce the written appeals. Not 
until the arrival of Job Kattenait, of Natick, at the house 
of Major Daniel Gookin at Cambridge about midnight of 
February 9-10 was anything done. Then Samuel Wadsworth 
and his forty men posted at Marlborough were sent as relief, 
but they were too late. It may be added in palliation of the 
seeming lethargy of the Massachusetts authorities, that Lan- 
caster was fairly well fortified at this time and that in the 
attack upon the town described in the ensuing narrative 
the Rowlandson garrison was the only one of the six that suc- 
cumbed to the Indians. The palisaded houses of Nathaniel 
Joslin, John Prescott, Thomas Sawyer, Cyprian Stevens, and 
Richard Wheeler were defended until the Indian warriors re- 
tired for fear of the mounted force from Concord, and the 

men under Wadsworth. 



The following narrative gives a personal note, a story of 
individual experience, which serves to round out the more 
general history as told by our other writers. Mary White 
Rowlandson was the daughter of John and Joane White, set- 
tlers in Salem in 1638, and citizens of Lancaster in 1653. No 
detailed record of the date and place of her birth or death 
exists. She had six brothers and sisters. Married to Rev. 
Joseph Rowlandson in 1656, she had four children, one of 
whom died before the outbreak of this war and another dur- 
ing the period of captivity forming the subject of this narra- 
tive. After the ransom the Rowlandson family went to Bos- 
ton, where they lived for a time in a house engaged for them 
by the Old South Church. Following this residence the Row- 
landsons moved from Massachusetts to Wethersfield, Con- 
necticut, in the spring of 1677. 

Lancaster was incorporated in 1653. Rev. Joseph Row- 
landson was the first ordained minister of the parish, and this 
narrative by his wife was the first Hterary work of a citizen of 
the town which appeared in print. The narrative gives not 
alone a clear exposition of the dangers to which the early set- 
tlers of New England were exposed, but a graphic picture of 
the life and character of the people themselves. No narra- 
tive illustrates more fully the confidence in a Providence which 
overrules every peril for the good of the sufferer than does this 
chronicle, and its wording shows plainly to what an extent 
the Bible had become incorporated into the daily life of the 
people of New England at the end of the seventeenth century. 
For these reasons, no less than because of the vividness with 
which the picture was drawn, this narrative of Mary Row- 
landson became at once a marked book. No contemporary 
New England publication commanded more attention in Great 
Britain or in America. It became a favorite specimen of the 
class of writings known as Indian Captivities, now so eagerly 


The earliest edition of the Narrative of Mary Rowlandson 
was that printed by Samuel Green at Cambridge in 1682. 
No copy of this edition is known to exist. Of the second edi- 
tion, or as the title-page has it " The second Addition Corrected 
and amended/' printed at the same place, by the same pub- 
hsher and in the same year, a copy once owned by the Reverend 
John Cotton is in the Prince Library at Boston. This edition 
has been followed accurately in the text of the following narra- 
tive. The only other edition of equal date is the London re- 
print, by Joseph Poole, in 1682, of which there are several 
copies in the United States, but these are less reliable than the 
copy followed in the text. A facsimile of the John Cotton 
volume was published in 1903 under the joint editorship of 
Henry S. Nourse and John E. Thayer, in an excellent anno- 
tated edition, limited to 250 copies, but for this latter reason 
has had a very restricted circulation. Various editions were 
issued during the eighteenth century, in many of which the 
text was emeuded and in some cases mutilated, the title-page 
itseK being one of the most severe sufferers. To some of the 
later editions a copy of Joseph Rowlandson's last sermon has 
been added, but it has little connection with the narrative, and 
is omitted in this publication. 

Mrs. Rowlandson's "removes" can be traced on the map 
which appears in this volume (opposite p. 121). A map is 
needful, for the journeyings of her captors between Wachusett 
Mountain and the Connecticut River were irregular, and their 
line of march was circuitous. They knew the ransom value of 
their captive, and were alert and watchful lest she escape or 
be retaken by her white friends. 


The Soveraignty and Goodness of GOD, Together With the Faith- 
fulness of His Promises Displayed; Being a Narrative Of 
the Captivity and Restauration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson. 
Commended by her, to all that desires to know the Lords 
doings to, and dealings with Her, Especially to her dear 
Children and Relations. The second Addition Corrected 
and amended. 

Written by Her own Hand for Her private Use, and now made 
Publick at the earnest Desire of some Friends, and for the 
benefit of the Afflicted. 

Deut. 32. 29. See now that I, even I am he, and there is no God 
with me; I kill and I make alive, I wound and I heal, 
neither is there any can deliver out of my hand. 

Cambridge, Printed by Samuel Green, 1682.^ 


It was on Tuesday, Feb. 1, 1675,^ in the afternoon, when 
the Narrhagansets quarters (in or toward the Nipmug Coun- 
try, whither they are now retyred for fear of the English Army 
lying in their own Country) were the second time beaten up, 
by the Forces of the imited Colonies, who thereupon soon be- 
took themselves to flight, and were all the next day pursued 
by the English, some overtaken and destroyed. But on Thurs- 
day, Feb. 3d, The English having now been six dayes on their 
march, from their head quarters, at Wickford, in the Nar- 
rhaganset Country, toward, and after the Enemy, and pro- 
vision grown exceeding short, insomuch that they were fain 
to kill some Horses for the supply, especially of their Indian 
friends, they were necessitated to consider what was best to 

» Title-page of the original. 2 1675/6. 



be done. And about noon (having hitherto followed the chase 
as hard as they might) a Councill was called, and though some 
few were of another mind, yet it was concluded by far the 
greater part of the Councill of War, that the Army should de- 
sist the pursuit, and retire: the Forces of Plimouth and the 
Bay to the next Town of the Bay, and Connecticut Forces to 
their own next Towns; which determination was immediately 
put in execution. The consequent whereof, as it was not 
difficult to be foreseen by those that knew the causless enmity 
of these Barbarians, against the English, and the malicious 
and revengefull spirit of these Heathen: so it soon Proved 

The Narrhagansets were now driven quite from their own 
Country, and all their provisions there hoarded up, to which 
they durst not at present return, and being so numerous as 
they were, soon devoured those to whom they went, whereby 
both the one and other were now reduced to extream straits, 
and so necessitated to take the first and best opportunity for 
supply, and very glad, no doubt, of such an opportunity as 
this, to provide for themselves, and make spoil of the English 
at once; and seeing themselves thus discharged of their pur- 
suers, and a little refreshed after their flight, the very next 
week on Thursday, Feb. 10, they fell with mighty force and fury 
upon Lancaster: which small Town, remote from aid of others, 
and not being Garisoned as it might, the Army being now come 
in, and as the time indeed required (the design of the Indians 
against that place being known to the English some time 
before) was not able to make effectual resistance: but notwith- 
standing utmost endeavour of the Inhabitants, most of the 
buildings were turned into ashes; many People (Men, Women 
and Children) slain, and others captivated. The most solemn 
and remarkable part of this Trajedy, may that justly be re- 
puted, which fell upon the Family of that reverend Servant 
of God, Mr. Joseph Rolandson, the faithfull Pastor of Christ 
in that place, who being gone down to the Councill of the 
Massachusets to seek aid for the defence of the place, at his 
return found the Town in flames, or smoke, his own house 
being set on fire by the Enemy, through the disadvantage of a 
defective Fortification, and all in it consumed: his precious 
yokefellow, and dear Children, wounded and captivated (as 


the issue evidenced, and following Narrative declares) by these 
cruel and barbarous Salvages. A sad Catestrophe ! Thus all 
things come alike to all: None knows either love or hatred 
by all that is before him. It is no new thing for Gods precious 
ones to drink as deep as others, of the Cup of common Ca- 
lamity: Take just Lot (yet captivated) for instance beside 
others. But it is not my business to dilate on these things, 
but only in few words introductively to preface to the follow- 
ing script, which is a Narrative of the wonderfully awfull, wise, 
holy, powerfull, and gracious providence of God, towards that 
worthy and precious Gentlewoman, the dear Consort of the 
said Reverend Mr. Rowlandson, and her Children with her, 
as in casting of her into such a waterless pit, so in preserving, 
supporting, and carrying thorow so many such extream 
hazards, unspeakable difficulties and disconsolateness, and at 
last delivering her out of them all, and her surviving Children 
also. It was a strange and amazing dispensation, that the 
Lord should so afflict his precious Servant, and Hand maid. 
It was as strange, if not more, that he should so bear up the 
spirits of his Servant under such bereavments and of his hand- 
maid under such captivity, travels and hardships (much too 
hard for flesh and blood) as he did, and at length deliver and 
restore. But he was their Saviour, who hath said, When thou 
passest through the Waters, I will be with thee, and thorough the 
Rivers, they shall not overflow thee: When thou walkest through the 
fire, thou shall not be burnt, nor shall the flame kindle upon thee, 
Isa. 43. ver. 2. and again. He woundeth and his hands make 
whole. He shall deliver thee in six troubles, yea in seven there 
shall no evil touch thee. In Famine he shall redeem thee from 
Death, and in War from the power of the sword. Job 5 : 18, 19, 
20. Methinks this dispensation doth bear some resemblance 
to those of Joseph, David and Daniel; yea, and of the three 
Children too,^ the stories whereof do represent us with the 
excellent textures of divine Providence, curious pieces of divine 
work : and truly so doth this, and therefore not to be forgotten, 
but worthy to be exhibited to, and viewed, and pondered by 
all, that disdain not to consider the operation of his hands. 

The works of the Lord (not only of Creation, but of 
Providence also, especially those that do more peculiarly con- 

^See Daniel iii. 


I. y\ ->/ 


cern his dear ones, that are as the Apple of his Eye, as the 
Signet upon His Hand, the DeHght of his Eyes, and the Ob- 
ject of his tenderest Care) [are] great, sought out of all those 
that have pleasure therein. And of these verily this is none 
of the least. 

This Narrative was penned by the Gentlewoman her self, 
to be to her a memorandum of Gods dealing wi th her, that she 
might never forget, but remember the same, aSd'tKe'severall 
circumstances thereof, all the dayes of her life. A pious 
scope which deserves both commendation and imitation.^ 
Some friends having obtained a sight of it, could not but be 
so much affected with the many passages of working provi- 
dence discovered therein, as to judge it worthy of publicl: 
view, and altogether unmeet that such works of God shoulc. ^^ 
be hid from present and future Generations: And therefore )\jiP^'' 
though this Gentlewomans modesty would not thrust it intd^ 
the Press, yet her gratitude unto God made her not hardly^ 0\ ^ <^ 
perswadable to let it pass, that God might have his due glory,! 0^ > x 
and others benefit by it as well as her self. I hope by this| f^fJ^ 
time none will cast any reflection upon this Gentlewoman, on (r* 
the score of this publication of her affliction and deliverance. 
If any should, doubtless they may be reckoned with the nine 
lepers, of whom it is said, Were there not ten cleansed, where 
are the nine? but one returning to give God thanks. Let 
such further know that this was a dispensation of publick note, 
and of universall concernment, and so much the more, by how 
much the nearer this Gentlewoman stood related to that faith- 
fuU Servant of God, whose capacity and emplojnnent was pub- 
lick in the house of God, and his name on that account of a 
very sweet savour in the Chm-ches of Christ, who is there of 
a true Christian spirit, that did not look upon himself much 
concerned in this bereavment, this Captivity in the time 
thereof, and in^his [this] deliverance when it came, yea 
more then in many others; and how many are there, to 
whom so concerned, it will doubtless be a very acceptable 
thing to see the way of God with this Gentlewoman in the 
aforesaid dispensation, thus laid out and pourtrayed before 
their eyes. 

To conclude: whatever any coy phantasies may deem, yet 
it highly concerns those that have so deeply tasted, how good 


the Lord is, to enquire with David, What shall I render to 
the Lord for <dl his benefits to me. Psal. 116. 12. He thinks 
nothing too great; yea, being sensible of his own dispropor- 
tion to the due praises of God he calls in help. Oh, magnifie 
the Lord with me, let us exalt his Name together, Psal. 34. 3. 
And it is but reason, that our praises should hold proportion 
with our prayers: and that as many hath helped together by 
prayer for the obtaining of his Mercy, so praises should be re- 
turned by many on this behalf; And forasmuch as not the 
generall but particular knowledge of things makes deepest 
impression upon the affections, this Narrative particularizing 
the several passages of this providence will not a little conduce 
thereunto. And therefore holy David in order to the attain- 
ment of that end, accounts himself concerned to declare what 
God had done for his soul, Psal. 66. 16. Come and hear, all 
ye that fear God, and I will declare what God hath done for 
my soul, i. e. for his life, see v. 9, 10. He holdeth our soul in 
life, and suffers not our feet to he moved, for thou our God 
hast proved us, thou hast tryed us, as silver is tryed. Life- 
mercies, are heart-affecting mercies, of great impression and 
force, to enlarge pious hearts, in the praises of God, so that 
such know not how but to talk of Gods acts, and to speak of 
and publish his wonderfull works. Deep troubles, when the 
waters come in unto thy soul, are wont to produce vowes: 
vowes must be paid. It is better not vow, than vow and not 
to pay. I may say, that as none knows what it is to fight and 
pursue such an enemy as this, but they that have fought and 
pursued them : so none can imagine what it is to be captivated, 
and enslaved to such atheisticall, proiidT-jgi ld, cruel, barbarous 
.brmtish (intone word) diabolica llcreatures as these, theworst 
v^_fif _the JieaiJ^J~~nor what^difficulties, hardships, hazards, 
I sorrows, anxieties and perplexities do unavoidably wait upon 
such a condition, but those that have tryed it. No serious 
spirit then (especially knowing any thing of this Gentle- 
womans piety) can imagine but that the vows of God are upon 
her. Excuse her then if she come thus into publick, to pay 
those vows, come and hear what she hath to say. 

I am confident that no Friend of divine Providence will 
ever repent his time and pains spent in reading over these 
sheets, but will judg them worth perusing again and again. 


Hear Reader, you may see an instance of the ^veraignty 
of God, who doth what he will with his own as well as others ; 
and who may say to him. What dost thou? Here you may see 
an instance of the faith and patience of the Saints, under the 
most heart-sinking tryals; here you may see, the promises are 
breasts full of consolation, when all the world besides is empty, 
and gives nothing but sorrow. That God is indeed the supream 
Lord of the world, ruling the most unruly, weakening the most 
cruel and salvage, granting his People mercy in the sidjt^ 
the unmercifull, curbing the lusts of the most filthy, holding 
the hands of the violent, delivering the prey from the mighty, 
and gathering together the out casts of Israel. Once and again 
you have heard, but hear you may see, that power belongeth 
unto God; that our God is the God of Salvation, and to him 
belong the issues from Death. That our God is in the Heavens, 
and doth whatever pleases him. Here you have Sampson 
Riddle^ examplified, and that great promise, Rom. 8. 28, 
verified, Out of the Eater comes forth meat, and sweetness out 
of the strong; The worst of evils working together for the 
best good. How evident is it that the Lord hath made this 
Gentlewoman a gainer by all this affliction, that she can say, 
'tis good for her yea better that she hath been, then that she 
should not have been thus afiiicted. 

Oh how doth God shine forth in such things as these! 

Reader, if thou'gettest no good by such a Declaration as 
this, the fault must needs be thine own. Read therefore, 
Peruse, Ponder, and from hence lay by something from the 
experience of another against thine own turn comes, that so 
thou also through patience and consolation of the Scripture 
mayest have hope. 

^ For Samson's riddle, see Judges xiv. 


On the tenth of February 1675/ Came the Indians with 
great numbers upon Lancaster: Their first coming was about 
Sun-rising; hearing the noise of some Guns, we looked out; 
several Houses^ were burning, and the Smoke ascending to 
Heaven. There were five persons' taken in one house, the 
Father, and the Mother anda_sucldng_^hM,t^^ 
the headr^~the~utfaer'two^hey tookand carrieaaway alive. 
Their were two others, who being out of their Garison upon 
some occasion were set upon; one was knockt on the head, 
the other escaped : Another their was who running along was 
shot and wounded, and fell down; he begged of them his life, 
promising them Money (as they told me) but they would not 
hearken to him but knockt him in head, and stript him naked, 
and split open his Bowels. Another seeing many of the In- 
dians about his Barn, ventured and went out, but was quickly 
shot down. There were three others belonging to the same 
Garison^ who were killed; the Indians getting up upon the 
roof of the Barn, had advantage to shoot down upon them 
over their Fortification. Thus^ihsgemu^ther^^ 
went o n, burning, an d des troying before^tKemT 
" Atlength they cameand beset our own Eouse, and quickly 
it was the dolefullest day that ever mine eyes saw. The House 
stood upon the edg of a hill; some of the Indians got behind 
the hill, others into the Barn, and others behind any thing that 
could shelter them; from all which places they shot against 
the House, so that the Bullets seemed to fly like hail; and 

1 Thursday, February 10, 1675/6. 

2 The houses mentioned were those of John White, Thomas Sawyer, John 
Prescott, and the Rowlandson and Wheeler garrisons. The site of the Rowland- 
son garrison is indicated on a picture in Ellis and Morris, King Philip's War (New 
York, 1906), opposite p. 171. 

2 The family of John Ball, the tailor. 

* The garrison of Richard Wheeler, on the southern side of George Hill. 



quickly they wounded one man among us, then another, and 
then a third. About two hours (according to my observation, 
in that amazing time) they had been about the house before 
they prevailed to fire it (which they did with Flax and Hemp, 
which they brought out of the Barn, and there being no de- 
fence about the House, only two Flankers^ at two opposite 
corners and one of them not finished) they fired it once and 
one ventured out and quenched it, but they quickly fired it 
again, and that took. Now is the dreadfull hour come, that 
I have often heard of (in time of War, as it was the case of 
others) but now mine eyes see it. Some in our house were 
fighting for their lives, others wallowing in their blood, the 
House on fire over our heads, and the bloody Heathen ready 
to knock us on the head, if we stirred out. Now might we 
hear Mothers and Children crying out for themselves, and 
one another. Lord, What shall we do? Then I took my Chil- 
dren (and one of my sisters, hers) to go forth and leave the 
house: but as soon as we came to the dore and appeared, the 
Indians shot so thick that the buUetts rattled against the 
House, as if one had taken an handfull of stones and threw 
them, so that we were fain to give back. We had six stout 
Dogs belonging to our Garrison, but none of them would stir, 
though another time, if any Indian had come to the door, 
they were ready to fly upon him and tear him down. The 
Lord hereby would make us the more to acknowledge his hand, 
and to see that our help is always in him. But out we must 
go, the fire increasing, andcommg_alongJbehind us, roaring, 
and the Indi^ns-ga^inglSefore us withtheiFXiim^^^^^JiHB and 
Hatchelig-'todevour us. No sooner were we out of theTfouse, 
but My Brother in Law^ (being before wounded, in defending 
the4iouse, in or near the throat) fell down dead, wherat the 
Indians scornfully shouted, and hallowed, and were presently 
lipon him, stripping off his cloaths, the buUetts flying thick, 
o^e went through my side, and the same (as woulpk seem) 
throjigh the bowels and hand of my dear Child i^/iny arms. 
One ^^T^L^lder_^§±eisJCM^;'eH7TiHined-Wiffi^,^ had then 

* Flankers were projections from which blank walls (curtains) could be enfiladed. 

* John DivoU had married Hannah, the youngest sister of Mrs. Rowlandson. 
5 William Kerley was the son of Mrs. Rowlandson's sister Elizabeth White, 

who had married Henry Kerley. 


his Leg broken; which the Indians perceiving, they knockt him 
on head. Thus were we butchered by those merciless Heathen, 
standing amazed, with the blood running down to our heels. 
My eldest Sister being yet in the House, and seeing those wof ull 
sights, the Infidels haling Mothers one way, and Children 
another, and some wallowing in their blood: and her elder 
Son telling her that her Son William was dead, and my self 
was wounded, she said, And, Lord, let me dy with them; 
which was no sooner said, but she was struck with a Bullet, 
and fell down dead over the threshold. I hope she is reaping 
the fruit of her good labours, being faithfull to the service of 
God in her place. In her younger years she lay under much 
trouble upon spiritual accounts, till it pleased God to make 
that precious Scripture take hold of her heart, 2 Cor. 12. 9. 
And he said unto me, my Grace is sufficient for thee. More then 
twenty years after I have heard her tell how sweet and com- 
fortable that place was to her. But to return: The Indians 
laid hold of us, pulling me one way, and the Children another, 
and said. Come go along with us; I told them they would kill 
me: thev^nswered. If I, were willing to go alonp; with them. 
they woid d-iiQt_hurt me. 

Oh the dolef ull sight that now was to behold at this House ! 
Come, behold the works of the Lord, what dissolations he has made 
in the Earth} Of thirty seven persons who were in this one 
House, none escaped either present death, or a bitter captivity, 
save only one,^ who might say as he. Job 1. 15, And I only am 
escaped alone to tell the News. Tjiprpi w^T-e t welve killed^ ^ome 

shntj somp^sif.fl.hM x\gtJT_tligjr^ pomp k]2i]l£]£^jl/J2^^ 

their Hatchets. When we are in prosperity, Ohthe little that 
-w^think of sticli dreadfuU sights, and to see our dear Friends, 
and Relations ly bleeding out their heart-blood upon the 
ground. There was one who was chopt into the head with 
a Hatchet, and stript naked, and yet was crawling up and 
down. It is a solemn sight to see so many Christians lying in 
their blood, some here, and some there, like a company of 
Sheep torn by Wolves, All of them stript naked by a company 

1 Psalm xlvi. 8. 

2 The person escaping was Ephraim Roper. The size of the garrison as 
given by contemporary writers varies from 37 to 55, of whom three Kettle chil- 
dren escaped in some way unknown to Mrs. Rowlandson. 


of heU-houijiiSj ro aring, singing, ji flintinp: and insultioar as Jf 
t heywoulf have to rn our very hearts out ; yet the Lord by his 
Almighty power preserved a number of us from death, for 
there were tw enty-four of us _taken^ aHve and carried Captis ^e. 

1 had of& before this "said, that if the Indians should 
come, I should chuse rather to be killed by them then taken 
alive but when it came to the tryal my mind changed; their 
glittering weapons so daunted my spirit, that I chose rather to 
go along with those (as I may say) ravenous Beasts, then that 
moment to end my dayes; and that I may the better declare 
what happened to me during that grievous Captivity, I shall 
particularly speak of the severall Removes we had up and 
down the Wilderness. 

The first Remove. 

Now away we must go with those Barbarous Creatures, 
with our bodies wounded and bleeding, and our hearts no less 
than our bodies. About a mile we went that night, up upon 
a hill within sight of the Town,^ where they intended to lodge. 
There was hard by a vacant house (deserted by the English 
before, for fear of the Indians). I asked them whither I might 
not lodge in the house that night to which they answered, 
what will you love English men still? this was the dolefullest 
night that ever my eyes saw. Oh the roaring, and singing 
and danceing, and yelluig of those black creatures in the night, 
which made the place a lively resemblance of hell. And as 
miserable was the wast that was there made, of Horses, Cattle, 
Sheep, Swine, Calves, Lambs, Roasting Pigs, and Fowl (which 
they had plundered in the Town) some roasting, some lying 
and burning, and some boyling to feed our merciless Enemies; 
who were joyful enough though we were disconsolate. To add 
to the dolefulness of the former day, and the dismalness of the 
present night: my thoughts ran upon my losses and sad 
bereaved condition. All was gone, my Husband gone (at 
least separated from me, he being in the Bay;^ and to add to 

^ George Hill. 

2 "In the Bay" means at Massachusetts Bay, i. e., at or near Boston. If 
Joseph Rowlandson was in Boston he may have heard the summons for defence 
given at midnight of February 9 by Job Kattenait in Cambridge. The sum- 


my grief, the Indians told me they would kill him as he came 
homeward) my Children gone, my Relations and Friends gone, 
our House and home and all our comforts within door, and 
without, all was gone, (except my life) and I knew not but the 
next moment that might go too. There remained nothing to 
me but one poor wounded Babe, and it seemed at present 
worse than death that it was in such a pitiful condition, be- 
speaking Compassion, and I had no refreshing for it, nor suit- 
able things to revive it. Little do many think what is the 
savageness and bruitishness of this barbarous Enemy, I^ even 
those that seem to profess more than others among them, when 
the English have fallen into their hands. 

Those seven that were killed at Lancaster the summer 
before upon a Sabbath day,^ and the one that was afterward 
killed upon a week day, were slain and mangled in a barbarous 
manner, by one-ey'd John,^ and Marlborough's Praying In- 
dians,' which Capt. Mosely brought to Boston, as the Indians 
told me. 

The second Remove.^ 

But now, the next morning, I must turn my back upon the 
Town, and travel with them into the vast and desolate Wjlder- 

mons resulted in an appeal to Captain Wadsworth at Marlborough, but was 
too late. 

* The seven victims of the defeat of August 22, 1675, were George Bennett, 
Jacob Farrar, jr., William Flagg, Mordecai McLoud, Mrs. McLoud, and two 
children. Joseph Wheeler died later, 

'One-eyed John was known also as Monoco and Apequinsah. "Marl- 
borough's Praying Indians" means the settlement of Christianized Indians at 
Marlborough, Massachusetts. On August 30, 1675, Captain Samuel Mosely, 
"being instigated thereunto by some people of those parts, no lovers of the 
Christian Indians, sent down to Boston with a guard of soldiers, pinioned and 
fastened with lines from neck to neck, fifteen of those Indians that lived with 
others of them upon their own lands, and in their own fort at Okonhomesitt 
near Marlborough, where they were orderly settled and were under the English 
conduct." In Gookin's Historical Account of the Doings and Sufferings of the 
Christian Indians of New England, from which the above is quoted, the question 
of the guilt of the Marlborough Indians is discussed at length by that constant 
friend of the converts. Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, II, 

* The second remove was to Princeton, Massachusetts, near Mount Wachu- 


ness, I knew not whither. It is not my tongue, or pen can 
express the sorrows of my heart, and bitterness of my spirit, 
that I had at this departure: but God was \^n't h me, in n, wnn- 
derfuU manner, carrying^me_^ong , and, b earing up my spirit^ 
that lrdid not quile laiL One of the Indians carried my poor 
wounded !Babe upon a hofse, it went moaning all along, I shall 
dy, I shall dy. I went on foot after it, with sorrow that cannot 
be exprest. At length I took it off the horse, and carried it in 
my armes till my strength failed, and I feU down with it: 
Then they set me upon a horse with my wounded Child in 
my lap, and there being no furniture upon the horse back, as 
we were going down a steep hill, we both fell over the horses 
head, at which they like inhumane creatures laught, and re- 
joyced to see it, though I thought we should there have ended 
our dayes, as overcome with so many difficulties. But the 
Lord renewed my strength still, and carried me along, that I 
might see more of his Power; yea, so much that I could never 
have thought of, had I not experienced it. 

After this it quickly began to snow, and when night came 
on, they stopt: and now down I must sit in the snow, by a 
little fire, and a few boughs behind me, with my sick Child in 
my lap; and calling much for water, being now (through the 
wound) fallen into a violent Fever. My own wound also 
growing so stiff, that I could scarce sit down or rise up; yet so 
it must be, that I must sit all this cold winter night upon the 
cold snowy ground, with my sick Child in my armes, looking 
that every hour would be the last of its life; and having no 
Christian friend near me, either to comfort or help me. Oh, I 
may see the wonderfull power of God, that my Spirit did not 
utterly sink under my affliction: still the Lord upheld me 
with his gracious and mercifuU Spirit, and we were both alive 
to see the light of the next morning. . ■ 

The third remove.^ 

The morning being come, they prepared to go on their way. 
One of the Indians got up upon a horse, and they set me up 

' The third remove, February 12-27, ended at an Indian village, Menameset 
(Wenimesset), on the Ware River, in what is now New Braintree. Quabaug was 


behind him, with my poor sick Babe in my lap. A very weari- 
some and tedious day I had of it; what with my own wound, 
and my Childs being so exceeding sick, and in a lamentable 
condition with her wound. It may be easily judged what a 
poor feeble condition we were in, there being not the least 
crumb of refreshing that came within either of our mouths, 
from Wednesday night to Saturday night, except only a little 
cold water. This day in the afternoon, about an hour by Sun, 
we came to the place where they intended, viz. an Indian Town, 
called Wenimesset, Norward of Quabaug. When we were 
come. Oh the number of Pagans (now merciless enemies) that 
there came about me, that I may say as David, Psal. 27. 13, 
/ had fainted, unless I had believed, etc.^ The next day was 
the Sabbath -2 I then remembered how careless I had been 
of Gods holy time, how many Sabbaths I had lost and mis- 
pent, and how evily I had walked in Gods sight; which lay 
so close unto my spirit, that it was easie for me to see how 
righteous it was with God to cut off the thread of my life, and 
cast me out of his presence for ever. Yet the Lord still shewed 
mercy to me, and upheld me; and as hewon ndfid m^^ wj th mift 
hand, so he h ealed me withtheoiJaiEirThis day there came to 
me one"Kobbert Peppert^^limnbelonging to Roxbury) who was 
taken in Captain Beers his Fight,^ and had been now a con- 
siderable time with the Indians; and up with them almost as 
far as Albany, to see king Philip, as he told me, and was now 
very lately come into these parts.^ Hearing, I say, that I 
was in this Indian Town, he obtained leave to come and see 
me. He told me, he himself was wounded in the leg at Cap- 
tain Beers his Fight; and was not able some time to go, but as 
they carried him, and as he took Oaken leaves and laid to his 
wound, and through the blessing of God he was able to travel 
again. Then I took Oaken leaves and laid to my side, and 
with the blessing of God it cured me also; yet before the cure 

^ "Unless I had believed to see the goodness of the Lord in the land of 
the living." 

^2 Sunday, February 13. 

' Captain Beers, attempting to relieve the garrison of Northfield, was slain 
with most of his men, September 4, 1675. See p. 42, supra. 

* Philip's headquarters during the winter had been somewhat east of Albany 
in New York, as stated earlier, pp. 68, 87, ante. 


was wrought; I may say, as it is in Psal. 38. 5, 6. My wounds 
stink and are corrupt, I am troubled, I am bowed down greatly, 
I go mourning all the day long. *' I sat much alone with a poor 
wounded Child in my lap, which moaned night and day, 
having nothing to revive the body, or cheer the spirits of her, 
but in stead of that, sometimes one Indian would come and 
tell me one hour, that your Master will knock your Child in 
the head, and then a second, and then a ;J,hird, your Master 
will quickly knock your Child in the head." 

This was the comfort I had from them, miserable comforters 
are ye all, as he said.^ Thus nine dayes I sat upon my knees, 
with my Babe in my lap, till my flesh was raw again; my Child 
being even ready to depart this sorrowfull world, they bade 
me carry it out to another Wigwam (I suppose because they 
would not be troubled with such spectacles) Whither I went 
with a very heavy heart, and down I sat with the picture of 
death in my lap. About two houres in the night, my sweet 
Babe like a Lambe departed this life, on Feb. 18, 1675. It 
being about six yeares, and five months old. It was nine dayes 
from the first wounding, in this miserable condition, without 
any refreshing of one nature or other, except a little cold water. 
I cannot, but take notice, how at another time I could not 
bear to be in the room where any dead person was, but now 
the case is changed; I must and could ly down by my dead 
Babe, side by side all the night after. I have thought since of 
the wonderfull goodness of God to me, in preserving me in 
the use of my reason and senses, in that distressed time, that 
I did not use wicked and violent means to end my own miser- 
able life. In the morning, when they understood that my 
child was dead they sent for me home to my Masters Wigwam : 
(by my Master in this writing, must be understood Quanopin,^ 
who was a Saggamore, and married King Phillips wives Sister; 
not that he first took me, but I was sold to him by another 
Narrhaganset Indian, who took me when first I came out of 
the Garison). I went to take up my dead child in my arms 
to carry it with me, but they bid me let it alone: there was 

^ /. e., as Job said. Job xvi. 2. 

2 Quinnapin was the husband of Weetamoo, the widow of Alexander, already 
referred to as the Queen of Pocasset. Mrs. Rowlandson became a servant to 
this wife. He had as well two other squaws. See p. 150, post. 


no resisting, but goe I must and leave it. When I had been 
at my masters wigwam, I took the first opportunity I could 
get, to go look after my dead child: when I came I askt them 
what they had done with it? then they told me it was upon the 
hill: then they went and shewed me where it was, where I 
saw the ground was newly digged, and there they told me they 
had buried it: There I left that Child in the Wilderness, and 
must commit it, and my self also in this Wilderness-condition, 
to him who is above all. God having taken away this dear 
Child, I went to see my daughter Mary, who was at this same 
Indian Town, at a Wigwam not very far off, though we had 
little liberty or opportimity to see one another. She was about 
ten years old, and taken from the door at first by a Praying 
Ind and afterward sold for a gim. When I came in sight, she 
would fall a weeping; at which they were provoked, and 
would not let me come near her, but bade me be gone; which 
was a heart-cutting word to me. I had one Child dead, an- 
other in the Wilderness, I knew not where, the third they 
would not let me come near to: Me (as he said) have ye 
bereaved of my Children, Joseph is not, and Simeon is not, and 
ye will take Benjamin also, all these things are against me} I 
could not sit still in this condition, but kept walking from one 
place to another. And as I was going along, my heart was even 
overwhelm'd with the thoughts of my condition, and that I 
should have Children, and a Nation which I knew not ruled 
over them. Whereupon I earnestly entreated the Lord, that 
he would consider my low estate, and shew me a token for good, 
and if it were his blessed wdll, some sign and hope of some reHef . 
And indeed quickly the Lord answered, in some measure, my 
poor prayers: for as I was going up and down mourning and 
lamenting my condition, my Son came to me, and asked me 
how I did; I had not seen him before, since the destruction of 
the Town, and I knew not where he was, till I was informed by 
himself, that he was amongst a smaller percel of Indians, 
whose place was about six mHes off; with tears in his eyes, he 
asked me whether his Sister Sarah was dead; and told me he 
had seen his Sister Mary; and prayed me, that I would not 
be troubled in reference to himself. The occasion of his com- 
ing to see me at this time, was this: There was, as I said, about 

1 The lament of Jacob in Genesis xlii. 36. 


six miles from us, a smal Plantation of Indians, where it seems 
he had been during his Captivity: and at this time, there were 
some Forces of the Ind. gathered out of our company, and some 
also from them (among whom was my Sons master) to go to 
assault and burn Medfield: In this time of the absence of his 
master, his dame brought him to see me. I took this to be 
some gracious answer to my earnest and unfeigned desire. 
The next day, viz. to this, the Indians returned from Med- 
field,^ all the company, for those that belonged to the other 
smal company, came thorough the Town that now we were at. 
But before they came to us. Oh! the outragious roaring and 
hooping that there was: They began their din about a 
mile before they came to us. By their noise and hooping 
they signified how many they had destroyed (which was at 
that time twenty three.) Those that were with us at home, 
were gathered together as soon as they heard the hooping, and 
every time that the other went over their number, these at 
home gave a shout, that the very Earth rung again: And 
thus they continued till those that had been upon the expedi- 
tion were come up to the Sagamores Wigwam; and then, Oh, 
the hideous insulting and triumphing that there was over some 
Englishmens scalps that they had taken (as their manner is) 
and brought with them. I cannot but take notice of the won- 
dor^^onercy of God to me in those afflictions, in sending me 
(a\B5)le/ One of the Indians that came from Medfield fight, 
iafijrought some plunder, came to me, and asked me, if I 
would have a Bible, he had got one in his Basket. I was glad 
of it, and asked him, whether he thought the Indians would 
let me read? he answered, yes: So I took the Bible, and in 
that melancholy time, it came into my mind to read first the 
28. Chap, of Deut.,2 which I did, and when I had read it, my 
dark heart wrought on this manner. That there was no mercy 
for me, that the blessings were gone, and the curses come in 
their room, and that I had lost my opportunity. But the Lord 
helped me still to go on reading till I came to Chap. 30 the 
seven first verses, where I found. There was mercy promised 

^ The Medfield fight has been recounted ante, pp. 80, 81. It occurred on 
February 21; fifty houses were burned. 

^Ch. xxviii. of Deuteronomy is occupied with a recital of blessings for 
obedience to God and curses for disobedience. 


again, if we would return to him by repentance; and though 
we were scatered from one end of the Earth to the other, yet 
the Lord would gather us together, and turn all those curses 
upon our Enemies. I do not desire to live to forget this 
Scripture, and what comfort it was to me. 

Now the Ind. began to talk of removing from this place, 
some one way, and some another. There were now besides 
my self nine English Captives in this place (all of them Chil- 
dren, except one Woman). I got an opportunity to go and 
take my leave of them; they being to go one way, and I an- 
other, I asked them whether they were earnest with God for 
deliverance, they told me, they did as they were able, and it 
was some comfort to me, that the Lord stirred up Children to 
look to him. The Woman viz. Goodwife Joslin told me, she 
should never see me again, and that she could find in her heart 
to run away; I wisht her not to run away by any means, for 
we were near thirty miles from any English Town, and she 
very big with Child, and had but one week to reckon; and an- 
other Child in her Arms, two years old, and bad Rivers there 
were to go over, and we were feeble, with our poor and course 
entertainment. I had my Bible with me, I pulled it out, and 
asked her whether she would read; we opened the Bible and 
lighted on Psal. 27, in which Psalm we especially took notice 
of that, ver. ult., Wait on the Lord, Be of good courage, and he 
shall strengthen thine Heart, wait I say on the Lord} 

The fourth Remove.^ 

And now I must part with that little Company I had. 
Here I parted from my Daughter Mary, (whom I never saw 
again till I saw her in Dorchester, returned from Captivity), 
and from four little Cousins and Neighbours, some of which I 
never saw afterward: the Lord only knows the end of them. 
Amongst them also was that poor Woman before mentioned, 
who came to a sad end, as some of the company told me in 
my travel : She having much grief upon her Spirit, about her 

* Psalm xxvii. 14. 

^ The fourth remove occupied February 28 to March 3. The camp was 
between Ware River and Miller's River, at the Indian village of Nichewaug in 
modern Petersham. 


miserable condition, being so near her time, she would be often 
asking the Indians to let her go home; they not being willing 
to that, and yet vexed with her importunity, gathered a great 
company together about her, and stript her nafcedT-rnid-seOer 
in the midst of them; and when they had sung and danced 
about her (in their hellish manner) as long as they pleaseq 
they knockt her on head, and the child in her arms with hei 
when they had done that, they made a fire and put them botl 
into it, and told the other Children that were with them, thai 
if they attempted to go home, they would serve them in like 
manner: TheCh ildren said, she did not shed one tear, but ^ 
prayed aU th e whilel But to return to my own Joiu-ney; we 
travefled" aboiit hall' a day or little more, and came to a desolate 
place in the Wilderness, where there were no Wigwams or 
Inhabitants before; we came about the middle of the after- 
noon to this place, cold and wet, and snowy, and hun^ 
weary, and no refreshing, for man, but the cold ground to sit 
on, and our poor Indian cheer. 

Heart-akmg thoughts here I had about my poor Children, 
who were scattered up and down among the wild beasts of the 
forrest: My head was light and dissey (either through hunger 
or hard lodging, or trouble or altogether) my knees feeble, my 
body raw by sitting double night and day, that I cannot ex- 
press to man the affiction that lay upon my Spirit, but the 
Lord helped me at that time to express it to himself. I opened 
my Bible to read, and the Lord brought that precious Scripture 
to me, Jer. 31. 16. Thus saith the Lord, refrain thy voice from 
weeping, and thine eyes from tears, for thy work shall he rewarded, 
and they shall come again from the land of the Enemy. This was 
a sweet Cordial to me, when I was ready to faint, many and 
many a time have I sat down, and weept sweetly over this 
Scripture. At this place we continued about four dayes. 

The fifth Remove.^ 

The occasion (as I thought) of their moving at this time, 
was, the English Army, it being near and following them: 

^ In the fifth remove, March 3-5, they crossed the Baquaug (Miller's) River 
in Orange. The "Army" following was composed of Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut forces imder Captain Thomas Savage. This troop was detained at 


For they went, as if they had gone for their hves, for some 
considerable way, and then they made a stop, and chose some 
of their stoutest men, and sent them back to hold the English 
Army in play whilst the rest escaped: And then, like Jehu, 
they marched on furiously, with their old, and with their 
young: some carried their old decrepit mothers, some carried 
one, and some another. Four of them carried a great Indian 
upon a Bier; but going through a thick Wood with him, they 
were hindered, and could make no hast; whereupon they took 
him upon their backs, and carried him, one at a time, till they 
came to Bacquaug River. Upon a Friday, a little after noon 
we came to this River. When all the company was come up, 
and were gathered together, I thought to count the number of 
them, but they were so many, and being somewhat in motion, 
it was beyond my skil. In this travel, becauseo fmy wound, 
I was some what favoured in my load ; I carried only my kni^ 
■ ting worlTaSd two quarts of parched meal : Being very faint 
I asked my mistriss^ to give me one spoonfull of the meal, 
but she would not give me a taste. They quickly fell to cut- 
ting dry trees, to make Rafts to carry them over the river: 
and soon my turn came to go over: By the advantage of some 
brush which they had laid upon the Raft to sit upon, I did not 
wet my foot (which many of themselves at the other end were 
mid-leg deep) which cannot but be acknowledged as a favour 
of God to my weakned body, it being a very cold time. I 
was not before acquainted with such kind of doings or dangers. 
When thou passeth through the waters I will he with thee, and 
through the Rivers they shall not overflow thee, Isai. 43. 2. A 
certain number of us got over the River that night, but it was 
the night after the Sabbath before all the company was got 
over. On the Saturday they boyled an old Horses leg which 
they had got, and so we drank of the broth, as soon as they 
thought it was ready, and when it was almost all gone, they 
filled it up again. 

The first week of my being among them, I hardly ate any 
thing; the second week, I found my stomach grow very faint 

Quabaug by the Indians sent back for that purpose, else some of the cavalry 
might have come up with the main party of Indians as it crossed the river. The 
diflBculty of the colonists in crossing is told on p. 159, post. 
^ Weetamoo. 


for waiituJsf-SQiaetiung; and yet it was very hard to get down 
their ^Qlthy trash/, but the third week, though I could think 
how fOTmerij--my stomach would turn against this or that, 
and I could starve and dy before I could eat such things, yet 
they were sweet and savoury to my taste. I was at this time 
knitting a pair of white cotton stockins for"my mistnss r~and" 
Sad not yet wrought upon a iSabbath day; when the Sabbath 
came they bade me go to work; I told them it was the Sabbath- 
day, and desired them to let me rest, and told them I would do 
as much more to morrow; to which they answered me, they 
would break my face. And here I cannot but take notice,;3fn 
the strange providence of God in preserving the heatlien : / 
They were many hundreds, old and young, some sick, and some 
lame, many had Papooses at their backs, the greatest number 
at this time with us, were Squaws, and they travelled with all 
they had, bag and baggage, and yet they got over this River 
aforesaid; and on Munday they set their Wigwams on fire, 
and away they went: On that very day came the English, 
Army after them to this River, and saw the smoak of their 
Wigwams, and yet this River put a stop to them. God did 
not give them courage or activity to go over after us; we were 
not ready for so great a mercy as victory and deliverance; if 
we had been, God would have found out a way for the English 
to have passed this River, as well as for the Indians with their 
Squaws and Children, and all their Luggage. Oh, that my Peo- 
ple had hearkened to me, and Israel had walked in my ways, I 
should soon have subdued their Enemies, and turned my hand 
against their Adversaries, Psal. 81 : 13. 14. 

The sixth Remove} 

On Munday (as I said) they set their Wigwams on fire, 
and went away. It was a cold morning, and before us there 
was a great Brook with ice on it; some waded through it, up 
to the knees and higher, but others went till they came to a 
Beaver-dam, and I amongst them, where through the good 
providence of God, I did not wet my foot. I went along that 
day mourning and lamenting, leaving farther my own Country, 

1 The sixth remove was on Monday, March 6, ending near a swamp in North- 
field, Massachusetts. 


and travelling into the vast and howling Wilderness, and I 
understood something of Lot's Wife's Temptation, when she 
looked back: we came that day to a great Swamp, by the side 
of which we took up our lodging that night. When I came to 
the brow of the hil, that looked toward the Swamp, I thought 
we had been come to a great Indian Town (though there were 
none but our own Company) The Indians were as thick as 
the trees: it seemed as if there had been a thousand Hatchets 
going at once : if one looked before one, there was nothing but 
Indians, and behind one, nothing but Indians, and so on either 
.hand, I my self in the midst, and no Christian soul near me, 
and yet how hath the Lord preserved me in safety? Oh the 
experience that I have had of the goodness of God, to me and 

The seventh Remove.'^ 

After a restless and hungry night there, we had a wearisome 
time of it the next day. The Swamp by which we lay, was, 
as it were, a deep Dungeon, and an exceeding high and steep 
hill before it. Before I got to the top of the hill, I thought 
my heart and legs, and all would have broken, and failed me. 
What through faintness, and soreness of body, it was a grievous 
day of travel to me. As we went along, I saw a place where 
English Cattle had been: that was comfort to me, such as it 
was: quickly after that we came to an English Path, which 
so took with me, that I thought I could have freely lyen down 
and dyed. That day, a little after noon, we came to Squauk- 
heag, where the Indians quickly spread themselves over the 
deserted English Fields, gleaning what they could find; some 
pickt up ears of Wheat that were crickled down, some found 
ears of Indian Corn, some found Ground-nuts, and others 
sheaves of Wheat that were frozen together in the shock, and 
went to threshing of them out. My self got two ears of 
Indian Corn, and whilst I did but turn my back, one of them 
was stolen from me, which much troubled me. There came 
an Indian to them at that time, with a basket of Horse-liver. 
I asked him to give me a piece: What, sayes he, can you eat 
Horse-liver? I told him, I would try, if he would give a piece, 

^ The seventh remove carried Mrs. Rowlandson to Squakeag near Beers's 
plain in Northfield. 


which he did, and I laid it on the coals to rost; but before it 
was half ready they got half of it away from me, so that I 
was fain to take the rest and eat it as it was, with the blood 
about my mouth, and yet a savoury bit it was to me: For to 
the hungry Soul every hitter thing is sweet^ A solemn sight 
methought it was, to see Fields of wheat and Indian Corn for- 
saken and spoiled: and the remainders of them to be food for 
our merciless Enemies. That night we had a mess of wheat 
for our Supper. 

The eight Remove.'^ 

On the morrow morning we must go over the River, i. e. 
Connecticot, to meet with King Philip; two Cannoos full, 
they had carried over, the next Turn I my self was to go; but 
as my foot was upon the Cannoo to step in, there was a sudden 
out-cry among them, and I must step back; and instead of 
going over the River, I must go four or five miles up the River 
farther Northward. Some of the Indians ran one way, and 
some another. The cause of this rout was, as I thought, their 
espying some EngUsh Scouts, who were thereabout. In this 
travel up the River, about noon the Company made a stop, 
and sate down; some to eat, and others to rest them. As I 
sate amongst them, musing of things past, my Son Joseph un- 
expectedly came to me: we asked of each others weKare, be- 
moaning our dolefuU condition, and the change that had 
come upon uss. We had Husband and Father, and Children, 
and Sisters, and Friends, and Relations, and House, and Home, 
and many Comforts of this Life : but now we may say, as Job, 
Naked came I out of my Mothers Womb, and naked shall I 
return: The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away. Blessed 
he the Name of the Lord.^ I asked him whither he would read; 
he told me, he earnestly desired it, I gave him my Bible, 
and he lighted upon that comfortable Scripture, Psal. 118. 
17, 18. / shall not dy hut live, and declare the works of the Lord: 
the Lord hath chastened me sore, yet he hath not given me over to 

* Proverbs xxvii. 7. 

2 The eighth remove was to Coasset in South Vernon, Vermont, where 
Mrs. Rowlandson seems to have met King Philip for the first time, as he was 
returning from New York to take up the campaign of 1676. 

sjobi. 21. 


death. Look here, Mother (sayes he) did you read this? And 
here I may take occasion to mention one principall ground of 
my setting forth these Lines: even as the Psalmist sayes, To 
declare the Works of the Lord, and his wonderfull Power in 
carrying us along, preserving us in the Wilderness, while 
under the Enemies hand, and returning of us in safety again, 
And His goodness in bringing to my hand so many comfort- 
able and suitable Scriptures in my distress. But to Return, 
We travelled on till night; and in the morning, we must go 
over the River to Philip's Crew. When I was in the Cannoo, 
I could not but be amazed at the numerous crew of Pagans 
that were on the Bank on the other side. When I came 
ashore, they gathered all about me, I sitting alone in the 
midst: I observed they asked one another questions, and 
laughed, and rejoyced over their Gains and Victories. Then 
my heart began to fail: and I fell a weeping which was the 
first time to my remembrance, that I wept before them. 
Although Iha d met with so much Affliction, and my h eart 
was many tmaes ready to break, yet could I not shed one tear, 
in"1EIieir,iight: but rather hadbeen all this while in a maze7 
aiidTSe one astonished: but now I may say as, Psal. 137. 1. 
By the Rivers of Babylon, there we sate down: yea, we wept when 
we remembered Zion. There one of them asked me, why I 
wept, I could hardly tell what to say: yet I answered, they 
would kill me: No, said he, none will hurt you. Then came 
one of them and gave me two spoon-fulls of Meal to comfort 
me, and another gave me half a pint of Pease ; which was more 
worth than many Bushels at another time. Then I went to 
see King Philip, he bade me come in and sit down, and asked 
me whether I woold smoke it (a usual Complement nowadayes 
amongst Saints and Sinners) but this no way suited me. For 
though I had formerly used Tobacco, yet I had left it ever 
since I was first taken. It seems to be a Bait, the Devil layes 
to make men loose their precious time : I remember with shame, 
how formerly, when I had taken two or three pipes, I was 
presently ready for another, such a bewitching thing it is: 
But I thank God, he has now given me power over it; surely 
there are many who may be better imployed than to ly suck- 
ing a stinking Tobacco-pipe. 

Now the Indians gather their Forces to go against North- 


Hampton:^ over-night one went about yelling and hooting 
to give notice of the design. Whereupon they fell to boyling 
of Ground-nutS; and parching of Corn (as many as had it) for 
their Provision : and in the morning away they went. During 
my abode in this place, Philip spake to me to make a shirt for 
his boy, which I did, for which he gave me a shilling : I offerej 
the mony to my master, but he bade me keep it : and with jt 
I bought a piece of Horse flesh. Afterwards he asked me 
make a Cap for his boy, for which he invited me to Dinne 
I went, and he gave me a Pancake, about as big as two fingei 
it was made of parched wheat, beaten, and fryed in Bears 
grease, but I thought I never tasted pleasanter meat in my life. 
There was a Squaw who spake to me to make a shirt for her 
Sannup,^ for which she gave me a piece of Bear. Another 
asked me to knit a pair of Stockins, for which she gave me a 
quart of Pease: I boyled my Pease and Bear together, and 
invited my master and mistriss to dinner, but the proud 
Gossip,^ because I served them both in one Dish, would eat 
nothing, except one bit that he gave her upon the point of his 
knife. Hearing that my son was come to this place, I went 
to see him, and found him lying flat upon the ground : I asked 
him how he could sleep so? he answered me, That he was not 
asleep, but at Prayer; and lay so, that they might not observe 
what he was doing. I pray God he may remember these things 
now he is returned in safety. At this Place (the Sun now get- 
ting higher) what with the beams and heat of the Sun, and the 
smoak of the Wigwams, I thought I should have been blind. 
I could scarce discern one Wigwam from another. There was 
here one Mary Thurston of Medfield, who seeing how it was 
with me, lent me a Hat to wear: but as soon as I was gone, 
the Squaw (who owned that Mary Thurston) came running 
after me, and got it away again. Here was the Squaw that 
gave me one spoonfull of Meal. I put it in my Pocket to keep 
it safe: yet notwithstanding some body stole it, but put five 
Indian Corns in the room of it : which Corns were the greatest 
Provisions I had in my travel for one day. 

^The attack upon Northampton here referred to occurred on March 14, 
but the town had been defended by paUsades and the Indians were repulsed. 
The colonists lost six men. See p. 8, ante. 

2 Husband. 3 "Gossip" in the obsolete sense of fellow. 


The Indians returning from North-Hampton, brought with 
them some Horses, and Sheep, and other things which they 
had taken : I desired them, that they would carry me to Albany, 
upon one of those Horses, and sell me for Powder: for so they 
had sometimes discoursed. I was utterly hopless of getting 
home on foot, the way that I came. I could hardly bear to 
think of the many weary steps I had taken, to come to this 

The ninth Remove.^ 

But in stead of going either to Albany or homeward, we 
must go five miles up the River, and then go over it. Here we 
abode a while. Here lived a sorry Indian, who spoke to me 
to make him a shirt. When I had done it, he would pay me 
nothing. But he living by the River side, where I often went 
to fetch water, I would often be putting of him in mind, and 
calling for my pay : at last he told me if I would make another 
shirt, for a Papoos not yet born, he would give me a knife, 
which he did when I had done it. I carried the knife in, and 
my master asked me to give it him, and I was not a little gl'ad 
that I had any thing that they would accept of, and be pleased 
with. When we were at this place, my Masters maid came 
home, she had been gone three weeks into the Narrhaganset 
Country, to fetch Corn, where they had stored up some in the 
ground : she brought home about a peck and half of Corn. This 
was about the time that their great Captain, Naananto,^ was 
killed in the Narrhaganset Countrey. My Son being now 
about a mile from me, I asked liberty to go and see him, they 
bade me go, and away I went : but quickly lost my self, travel- 
ling over Hills and thorough Swamps, and could not find the 
way to him. And I cannot but admire at the wonderfull power 
and goodness of God to me, in that, though I was gone from 
pome, and met with all sorts of Indians, and those I had no 
[knowledge of, and there being no Christian soul near me; 
(yet not one of them offered the least imaginable miscarriage 
to me. I turned homeward again, and met with my master, 

^ To the Ashuelot valley in New Hampshire. 

2 Naananto is better known as Canonchet. He was the leading spirit of 
the war rather than King Philip. Upon the death of Canonchet, April 3, 1676, 
the war lost its vigor and soon ceased. 


he shewed me the way to my Son: When I came to him I 
found him not well: and withall he had a boyl on his side, 
which much troubled him : We bemoaned one another awhile, 
as the Lord helped us, and then I returned again. When I 
was returned, I found my self as unsatisfied as I was before. 
I went up and down mourning and lamenting: and my spirit 
was ready to sink, with the thoughts of my poor Children: 
my Son was ill, and I could not but think of his mournfull 
looks, and no Christian Friend was near him, to do any office 
of love for him, either for Soul or Body. And my poor Girl, 
I knew not where she was, nor whither she was sick, or well, 
or alive, or dead. I repaired under these thoughts to my Bible 
(my great comfort in that time) and that Scripture came to 
my hand, Cast thy burden upon the Lord, and He shall sustain 
thee, Psal. 55. 22. 

But I was fain to go and look after something to satisfie 
my hunger, and going among the Wigwams, I went into one, 
and there found a Squaw who shewed her self very kind to 
me, and gave me a piece of Bear. I put it into my pocket, 
and came home, but could not find an opportunity to broil it, 
for fear they would get it from me, and there it lay all that day 
and night in my stinking pocket. In the morning I went to the 
same Squaw, who had a Kettle of Ground nuts boyling; I 
asked her to let me boyle my piece of Bear in her Kettle, 
which she did, and gave me some Ground-nuts to eat with it: 
and I cannot but think how pleasant it was to me. I have 
sometime seen Bear baked very handsomly among the Eng- 
lish, and some like it, but the thoughts that it was Bear, made 
me tremble : but now that was savoury to me that one would 
think was enough to turn the stomach of a bruit Creature. 

One bitter cold day, I could find no room to sit down before 
the fire: I went out, and could not tell what to do, but I 
went in to another Wigwam, where they were also sitting 
round the fire, but the Squaw laid a skin for me, and bid me 
sit down, and gave me some Ground-nuts, and bade me come 
again: and told me they would buy me, if they were able, 
and yet these were strangers to me that I never saw before. 


The tenth Remove.^ 

That day a small part of the Company removed about three 
quarters of a mile, intending further the next day. When they 
came to the place where they intended to lodge, and had pitched 
their wigwams, being hungry I went again back to the place 
we were before at, to get something to eat: being encouraged 
by the Squaws kindness, who bade me come again; when I 
was there, there came an Indian to look after me, who when he 
had found me, kickt me all along: I went home and found 
Venison roasting that night, but they would not give me one 
bit of it. Sometimes I met with favour, and sometimes with 
nothing but frowns. 

The eleventh Remove.^ 

The next day in the morning they took their Travel, intend- 
ing a dayes journey up the River, I took my load at my back, 
and quickly we came to wade over the River: and passed over 
tiresome and wearisome hills. One hill was so steep that I 
was fain to creep up upon my knees, and to hold by the twiggs 
and bushes to keep my self from falling backward. My head 
also was so light, that I usually reeled as I went; but I hope 
all these wearisome steps that I have taken, are but a fore- 
warning to me of the heavenly rest. I know, Lord, that thy 
Judgements are right, and that thou in faithfulness hast afflicted 
me, Psal. 119. 71.^ 

The twelfth Remove. 

It was upon a Sabbath-day-morning, that they prepared 
for their Travel. This morning I asked my master whither 
he would sell me to my Husband; he answered me Nux,^ 
which did much rejoyce my spirit. My mistriss, before 

^ The tenth remove seems to have been a change to another location in the 
Ashuelot valley in New Hampshire. 

2 The eleventh remove, in April, 1676, was as far north as the captive was 
taken. The camp was in or near Chesterfield, New Hampshire, where she re- 
mained until the twelfth remove on Sunday, April 9. 

» More exactly. Psalm cxix. 75. * Yes. 


we went, was gone to the burial of a Papoos, and returning, 
she found me sitting and reading in my Bible; she snatched it 
hastily out of my hand, and threw it out of doors; I ran out 
and catcht it up, and put it into my pocket, and never let her 
see it afterward. Then they packed up their things to be 
gone, and gave me my load: I complained it was too heavy, 
whereupon she gave me a slap in the face, and bade me go; 
I lifted up my heart to God, hoping the Redemption was not 
far off : and the rather becaus e their insolency g rew wo rse and 

But the thoughts of my going homeward (for so we bent 
our course) much cheared my Spirit, and made my burden 
seem light, and almost nothing at all. But (to my amazment 
and great perplexity) the scale was soon turned : for when we 
had gone a little way, on a sudden my mistriss gives out, she 
would go no further, but turn back again, and said, I must 
go back again with her, and she called her Sannup, and would 
have had him gone back also, but he would not, but said. He 
would go on, and come to us again in three dayes.^ My 
Spirit was upon this, I confess, very impatient, and almost out- 
ragious. I thought I could as well have dyed as went back; 
I cannot declare the trouble that I was in about it; but yet 
back again I must go. As soon as I had an opportunity, I 
took my Bible to read, and that quieting Scripture came to 
my hand, Psal. 46. 10. Be still, and know that I am God. 
AVTiich stUled my spirit for the present: But a sore time of 
tryal, I concluded, I had to go through. My master being 
gone, who seemed to me the best friend that I had of an In- 
dian, both in cold and hunger, and quickly so it proved. Down 
I sat, with my heart as full as it could hold, and yet so hungry 
that I could not sit neither: but going out to see what I could 
find, and walking among the Trees, I found six Acorns, and two 
Ches-nuts, which were some refreshment to me. Towards 
Night I gathered me some sticks for my own comfort, that I 
might not ly a-cold : but when we came to ly down they bade 
me go out, and ly some-where-else, for they had company 

1 It was about this time that the news of the death of Canonchet, p. 136, 
ante, reached and discouraged these Indians. Quinnapin seems to have gone 
forward to see what the outcome would be, taking PhiUp with him, but the 
women and children were left in the Coimecticut valley for a time. 


(they said) come in more than their own: I told them, I 
could not tell where to go, they bade me go look; I told them, 
if I went to another Wigwam they would be angry, and send 
me home again. Then one of the Company drew his sword, 
and told me he would run me thorough if I did not go presently. 
Then was I fain to stoop to this rude fellow, and to go out in 
the night, I knew not whither. Mine eyes have seen that 
fellow afterwards walking up and down Boston, under the 
appearance of a Friend-Indian, and severall others of the like 
Cut. I went to one Wigwam, and they told me they had no 
room. Then I went to another, and they said the same; at 
last an old Indian bade me come to him, and his Squaw gave 
me some Ground-nuts; she gave me also something to lay 
under my head, and a good fire we had: and through the good 
providence of God, I had a comfortable lodging that night. 
In the morning, another Indian bade me come at night, and 
he would give me six Ground-nuts, which I did. We were at 
this place and time about two miles from Connecticut River. 
We went in the morning to gather Ground-nuts, to the River, 
and went back again that night. I went with a good load at 
my back (for they when they went, though but a little way, 
would carry all their trumpery with them) I told them the 
skin was off my back, but I had no other comforting answer 
from them than this. That it would be no matter if my head 
were off too. 

The thirteenth Remove. 

Instead of going toward the Bay,i which was that I desired, 
I must go with them five or six miles down the River into a 
mighty Thicket of Brush: where we abode almost a fortnight. 
Here one asked me to make a shirt for her Papoos, for which 
she gave me a mess of Broth, which was thickened with meal 
made of the Bark of a Tree, and to make it the better, she had 
put into it about a handf uU of Pease, and a few roasted Ground- 
nuts. I had not seen my son a pritty while, and here was sm 
Indian of whom I made inquiry after him, and asked him 
when he saw him : he answered me, that such a time his master 
roasted him, and that himself did eat a piece of him, as big as 

1 The encampment seems to have been changed for a time to Hinsdale, New 
Hampshire, near the Connecticut River. 


his two fingers, and that he was very good meat : But the Lord 
uphel d my Spiri t, j^nde i' t his dt seonragement ; and I considered 
thei^^orrible^'^^oic tedness to lying/^nd that there is not one 
of them~"LhaL nisEeslihe leasFcOnsCience of speaking of truth. 
In this place, on a cold night, as I lay by the fire, I removed a 
stick that kept the heat from me, a Squaw moved it down again, 
at which I lookt up, and she t hrew a hariiHfnljjnf f],fih(^fi in vninf^ 
e^^; I thought I should have been quite blinded, and have 
never seen more: but lying down, the water run out of my eyes, 
and carried the dirt with it, that by the morning, I recovered 
my sight again. Yet upon this, and the like occasions, I hope 
it is not too much to say with Job, Have pitty upon me, have 
pitty upon me, ye my Friends, for the Hand of the Lord has 
touched me} And here I cannot but remember how many 
times sitting in their Wigwams, and musing on things past, I 
should suddenly leap up and run out, as if I had been at home, 
forgetting where I was, and what my condition was: But 
when I was without, and saw nothing but Wilderness, and 
Woods, and a company of barbarous heathens, my mind 
quickly returned to me, which made me think of that, spoken 
concerning Sampson, who said, / will go out and shake my self 
as at other times, hut he wist not that the Lord was departed from 
him} About this time I began to think that aU my hopes 
of Restoration would come to nothing. I thought of the Eng- 
lish Army, and hoped for their coming, and being taken by 
them, but that failed. I hoped to be carried to Albany, as the 
Indians had discoursed before, but that failed also. I thought 
of being sold to my Husband, as my master spake, but in stead 
of that, my master himself was gone, and I left behind, so 
that my Spirit was now quite ready to sink. I asked them to 
let me go out and pick up some sticks, that I might get alone, 
And poure out my heart unto the Lord. Then also I took my 
Bible to read, but I found no comfort here neither, which many 
times I was wont to find: So easie a thing it is with God to 
dry up the Streames of Scripture-comfort from us. Yet I 
can say, that in all my sorrows and afflictions, God did not 
leave me to have my impatience work towards himself, as if 
his wayes were unrighteous. But I knew that he laid upon 
me less then I deserved. Afterward, before this dolefuU time 

1 Job xix. 21. 2 Judges xvi. 20. 


ended with me, I was turning the leaves of my Bible, and the 
Lord brought to me some Scriptures, which did a little revive 
me, as that Isai. 55. 8, For my thoughts are not your thoughts, 
neither are your wayes my ways, saith the Lord. And also that, 
Psal. 37. 5, Commit thy way unto the Lord, trust also inkim, 
and he shal bring it to pass. About this time they cameJ ^e^mg ) 
from Hadly, where they had killed three English men, and 
brought one Captive with them, viz. Thomas Read.^ They 
all gathered about the poor Man, asking him many Questions. 
I desired also to go and see him; and when I came, he was cry- 
ing bitterly, supposing they would quickly kill him. Where- 
upon I asked one of them, whether they intended to kill him; 
he answered me, they would not: He being a little cheared 
tdth. that, I asked him about the wel-fare of my Husband, he 
fpold me he saw him such a time in the Bay, and he was well, 
I but very melancholly. By which I certainly understood 
(though I suspected it before) that whatsoever the Indians 
I , told me respecting him was vanity and lies. Some of them told 
[/ me, he was dead, and they had killed him : some said he was 
/ Married again, and that the Governour wished him to Marry; 
/ and told him he should have his choice, and that all perswaded 
jl was dead. So like were these barbarous creatures to him 
who was a Iyer from the beginning. 

As I was sitting once in the Wigwam here, Phillips Maid 
came in with the Child in her arms, and asked me to give her 
a piece of my Apron, to make a flap for it, I told her I would 
not : then my Mistriss bad me give it, but still I said no : the 
maid told me if I would not give her a piece, she would tear 
a piece off it: I told her I would tear her Coat then, with that 
my Mistriss rises up, and takes up a stick big enough to have 
killed me, and struck at me with it, but I stept out, and she 
struck the stick into the Mat of the Wigwam. But while she 
was pulling of it out, I ran to the Maid and gave her all my 
Apron, and so that storm went over. 

Hearing that my Son was come to this place, I went to see 
him, and told him his Father was well, but very melancholly: 
he told me he was as much grieved for his Father as for him- 
self; I wondered at his speech, for I thought I had enough 

1 The prisoner escaped about May 15. The party which had gone to Hadley 
appears to have been a scouting party only. 


upon my spirit in reference to my self, to make me mindless 
of my Husband and every one else: they being safe among 
their Friends. He told me also, that a while before, his 
Master (together with other Indians) where^ going to the 
French for Powder; but by the way the Mohawks met with 
them, and killed four of their Company which made the rest 
turn back again, for which I desire that my seK and he may 
bless the Lord; for it might have been worse with him, had 
he been sold to the French, than it proved to be in his remain- 
ing with the Indians. 

I went to see an English Youth in this place, one John 
Gilberd^ of Springfield. I found him lying without dores, 
upon the ground; I asked him how he did? he told me he was 
very sick of a flux, with eating so much blood: They had 
turned him out of the Wigwam, and with him an Indian 
Papoos, almost dead, (whose Parents had been killed) in a 
bitter cold day, without fire or clothes: the young man him- 
self had nothuig on, but his shirt and wastcoat. This sight 
was enough to melt a heart of flint. There they lay quivering 
in the Cold, the youth round like a dog; the Papoos stretcht 
out, with his eyes and nose and mouth full of dirt, and yet 
alive, and groaning. I advised John to go and get to some fire: 
he told me he could not stand, but I perswaded him still, lest 
he should ly there and die: and with much adoe I got him to 
a fire, and went my self home. As soon as I was got home, 
his Masters Daughter came after me, to know what I had done 
with the English man, I told her I had got him to a fire in such 
a place. Now had I need to pray Pauls Prayer, 2 Thess. 3. 2, 
That we may he delivered from unreasonable and wicked men. 
For her satisfaction I went along with her, and brought her 
to him; but beforoJUgotJiom e again, it was noised^about; 
that Ijga s runnin g awayajiH~getting "the JjJnglSFyouth, 
along withlne; tHaraB~5oon as I (iHTnem, they began to rant 
anH dommSerTasking me Where I had been, and what I had 
been doing? and sajdng they would knock him on the head: 
I told them, I had been seeing the English Youth, and that I 
would not run away, they told me I lyed, and taking up a 
Hatchet, they came to me, and said they would knock me down 
if I stirred out again; and so confined me to the Wigwam. 

^ Were. ^ John Gilbert had been captured about March 1. 


Now may I say with David, 2 Sam. 24. 14. / am in a great 
strait. If I keep in, I must dy with hunger, and if I go out, 
I must be knockt in head. This distressed condition held that 
day, and half the next; And then the Lord remembred me, 
whose mercyes are great. Then came an Indian to me with 
a pair of stockings that were too big for him, and he would have 
me ravel them out, and knit them fit for him. I shewed my 
self willing, and bid him ask my mistriss if I might go along 
with him a little way; she said yes, I might, but I was not a 
little refresht with that news, that I had my liberty again. 
Then I went along with him, and he gave me some roasted 
Ground-nuts, which did again revive my feeble stomach. 

Being got out of her sight, I had time and liberty again to 
look into my Bible: Which was my Guid by day, and my 
Pillow by night. Now that comfortable Scripture presented 
it self to me, Isa. 54. 7. For a smal moment have I forsaken 
thee, hut with great mercies will I gather thee. Thus the Lord 
carried me along from one time to another, and made good to 
me this precious promise, and many others. Then my Son 
came to see me, and I asked his master to let him stay a while 
with me, that I might comb his head, and look over him, for 
he was almost overcome with lice. He told me, when I had 
done, that he was very hungry, but I had nothing to relieve 
him; but bid him go into the Wigwams as he went along, and 
see if he could get any thing among them. Which he did, 
and it seemes tarried a little too long; for his Master was 
angry with him, and beat him, and then sold him. Then he 
came running to tell me he had a new Master, and that he had 
given him some Groundnuts already. Then I went along with 
him to his new Master who told me he loved him: and he 
should not want. So his Master carried him away, and I 
never saw him afterward, till I saw him at Pascataqua in Ports- 

'hat night they bade me go out of the Wigwam again : my 
[istrisses Papoos was sick, and it died that night, and there 
was one benefit in it, that there was more room. I went to a 
Wigwam, and they bade me come in, and gave me a skin to 
ly upon, and a mess of Venson and Ground-nuts, which was 
a choice Dish among them. On the morrow they buried the 
)00S, and afterward, both morning and evening, there came 


a company to mourn and howle with her: though I confess, 
I could not much condole with them. Many sorrowfull dayes 
I had in this place: often getting alone; like a Crane, or a 
Swallow, so did I chatter: I did mourn as a Dove, mine eyes 
ail with looking upward. Oh, Lord, I am oppressed; undertake 
for me, Isa. 38. 14. I could tell the Lord as Hezeckiah, ver. 3. 
Remember now Lord, I beseech thee, how I have walked before 
thee in truth} Now had I time to examine all my wayes: 
my Conscience did not accuse me of un-righteousness toward 
one or other: yet I saw how in my walk with God, I had been 
a careless creature. As David said, Against thee, thee only 
have I sinned: and I might say with the poor Publican, God 
be merciful unto me a sinner. On the Sabbath-dayes, I could 
look upon the Sun and think how People were going to the house 
of God, to have their Souls refresht; and then home, and their 
bodies also: but I was destitute of both; and might say as the 
poor Prodigal, he would fain have filled his belly with the husks 
that the Swine did eat, and no man gave unto him, Luke 15. 16. 
For I must say with him, Father I have sinned against Heaven, 
and in thy sight, ver. 21. I remembred how on the night 
before and after the Sabbath, when my Family was about me, 
and Relations and Neighbours with us, we could pray and sing, 
and then refresh our bodies with the good creatures of God; 
and then have a comfortable Bed to ly down on : but in stead 
of aU this, I had only a little SwiU for the body, and then like 
a Swine, must ly down on the ground. I cannot express to 
man the sorrow that lay upon my Spirit, the Lord knows it. 
Yet that comfortable Scripture would often come to my 
mind. For a small moment have I forsaken thee, but with great 
mercies will I gather thee.^ 

The fourteenth Remove.^ 

Now must we pack up and be gone from this Thicket, bend- 
ing our course toward the Bay-towns, I haveing nothing to 

^ Isaiah xxxviii. 3. ^ Isaiah liv. 7. 

^ The fourteenth to nineteenth moves covered the time from April 20 to 
April 28. The route retraced the path taken earlier. From Hinsdale, New 
Hampshire, the traU led to the camp on Miller's River in Orange, thence to Niche- 
waug in Petersham, to Menameset on Barre Plains, to Mount Wachusett in 
Princeton, where the negotiations for ransom were begun. 


eat by the way this day, but a few crumbs of Cake, that an 
Indian gave my girle the same day we were taken. She gave 
it me, and I put it in my pocket: there it lay, till it was so 
mouldy (for want of good baking) that one could not tell 
what it was made of; it fell all to crumbs, and grew so dry and 
hard, that it was like little flints; and this refreshed me many 
times, when I was ready to faint. It was in my thoughts when 
I put it into my mouth, that if ever I returned, I would tell 
the World what a blessing the Lord gave to such mean food. 
As we went along, they killed a Deer, with a young one in 
her, they gave me a piece of the Fawn, and it was so young and 
tender, that one might eat the bones as well as the flesh, and 
yet I thought it very good. When night came on we sate 
down; it rained, but they quickly got up a Bark Wigwam, 
where I lay dry that night. I looked out in the morning, and 
many of them had line in the rain all night, I saw by their 
Reaking. Thus the Lord dealt mercifully with me many 
times, and I fared better than many of them. In the morning 
they took the blood of the Deer, and put it into the Paunch, 
and so boyled it; I could eat nothing of that, though they ate 
it sweetly. And yet they were so nice in other things, that 
when I had fetcht water, and had put the Dish I dipt the water 
with, into the Kettle of water which I brought, they would 
say, they would knock me down; for they said, it was a 
sluttish trick. 

The fifteenth Remove. 

We went on our Travel. I having got one handfull of 
Ground-nuts, for my support that day, they gave me my 
load, and I went on cheerfully (with the thoughts of going 
homeward) haveing my burden more on my back than my 
spirit : we came to Baquaug River again that day, near which 
we abode a few dayes. Sometimes one of them would give 
me a Pipe, another a little Tobacco, another a little Salt: 
which I would change for a little Victuals. I cannot but think 
what a Wolvish appetite persons have in a starving condition : 
for many times when they gave me that which was hot, I was 
so greedy, that I should burn my mouth, that it would trouble 
me hours after, and yet I should quickly do the same again. 
And after I was thoroughly hungry, I was never again satis- 


fied. For though sometimes it fell out, that I got enough, 
and did eat till I could eat no more, yet I was as unsatisfied 
as I was when I began. And now could I see that Scripture 
verified (there being many Scriptures which we do not take 
notice of, or understand till we are afilicted) Mic. 6. 14. TJiou 
shall eat and not he satisfied. Now might I see more than ever 
before, the miseries that sin hath brought upon us: Many 
times I should be ready to run out against the Heathen, but 
the Scripture would quiet me again, Amos 3. 6, Shal there he 
evil in the City, and the Lord hath not done it? The Lord help 
me to make a right improvment of His Word, and that I 
might learn that great lesson, Mic. 6. 8, 9. He hath shewed thee 
{Oh Man) what is good, and what doth the Lord require of thee, 
hut to do justly, and love mercy, and walk humbly with thy God? 
Hear ye the rod, and who hath appointed it. 

The sixteenth Remove. 

We began this Remove with wading over Baquag River: 
the water was up to the knees, and the stream very swift, 
and so cold that I thought it would have cut me in sunder. 
I was so weak and feeble, that I reeled as I went along, and 
thought there I must end my dayes at last, after my bearing 
and getting thorough so many difficulties; the Indians stood 
laughing to see me staggering along: but in my distress the 
Lord gave me experience of the truth, and goodness of that 
promise, Isai. 43. 2. When thou passest thorough the Waters, 
I will he with thee, and through the Rivers, they shall not overflow 
thee. Then I sat down to put on my stockins and shoos, with 
the teares running down mine eyes, and many sorrowfull 
thoughts in my heart, but I gat up to go along with them. 
Quickly there came up to us an Indian, who informed them, 
that I must go to Wachusit to my master, for there was a 
Letter come from the Council to the Saggamores, about re- 
deeming the Captives, and that there would be another in 
fourteen dayes, and that I must be there ready. My heart 
was so heavy before that I could scarce speak or go in the path; 
and yet now so light, that I could run. My strength seemed 
to come again, and recruit my feeble knees, and aking heart: 
yet it pleased them to go but one mile that night, and there we 


stayed two dayes. In that time came a company of Indians 
to us, near thirty, all on horseback. My heart skipt within 
me, thinking they had been English-men at the first sight of 
them, for they were dressed in English Apparel, with Hats, 
white Neckcloths, and Sashes about their wasts, and Rib- 
bonds upon their shoulders: but when they came near, their 
was a vast difference between the lovely faces of Christians, 
and the foul looks of those Heathens, which much damped 
my spirit again. 

The seventeenth Remove. 

A comfortable Remove it was to me, because of my hopes. 
They gave me a pack, and along we went chearfully; but 
quickly my will proved more than my strength; having little 
or no refreshing my strength failed me, and my spirit were 
almost quite gone. Now may I say with David, Psal. 119. 22, 
23, 24. / am poor and needy, and my heart is wounded within 
me. I am gone like the shadow when it declineth : I am tossed up 
and down like the locust; my knees are weak through fasting, 
and my flesh Jaileth of fatness. At night we came to an Indian 
Town, and the Indians sate down by a Wigwam discoursing, 
but I was almost spent, and could scarce speak. I laid down 
my load, and went into the Wigwam, and there sat an Indian 
boyling of Horses feet (they being wont to eat the flesh first, 
and when the feet were old and dried, and they had nothing 
else, they would cut off the feet and use them). I asked him 
to give me a little of his Broth, or Water they were boiling in ; 
he took a dish, and gave me one spoonfuU of Samp, and bid 
me take as much of the Broth as I would. Then I put some 
of the hot water to the Samp, and drank it up, and my spirit 
came again. He gave me also a piece of the Ruff or Ridding 
of the small Guts, and I broiled it on the coals; and now may 
I say with Jonathan, See, I pray you, how mine eyes have been 
enlightened, because I tasted a little of this honey, 1 Sam. 14. 29. 
Now is my Spirit revived again; though means be never so 
inconsiderable, yet if the Lord bestow his blessing upon them, 
they shall refresh both Soul and Body. 


The eighteenth Remove. 

We took up our packs and along we went, but a wearisome 
day I had of it. As we went along I saw an English-man 
stript naked, and lying dead upon the ground, but knew not 
who it was. Then we came to another Indian Town, where 
we stayed all night. In this Town there were four English 
Children, Captives; and one of them my own Sisters. I 
went to see how she did, and she was well, considering her 
Captive-condition. I would have tarried that night with her, 
but they that owned her would not suffer it. Then I went into 
another Wigwam, where they were boyling Corn and Beans, 
which was a lovely sight to see, but I could not get a taste 
thereof. Then I went to another Wigwam, where there were 
two of the English Children; the Squaw was boyling Horses 
feet, then she cut me off a little piece, and gave one of the Eng- 
lish Children a piece also. Being very hungry I had quickly 
eat up mine, but the Child could not bite it, it was so tough 
and sinewy, but lay sucking, gnawing, chewing and slabbering 
of it in the mouth and hand, then I took it of the Child, and 
eat it my self, and savoury it was to my taste. Then I may 
say as Job, Chap. 6. 7. The things that my soul refused to touchy 
are as my sorrowfull meat. Thus the Lord made that pleasant 
refreshing, which another time would have been an abomina- 
tion. Then I went home to my mistresses Wigwam; and they 
told me I disgraced my master with begging, and if I did so 
any more, they would knock me in head: I told them, they 
had as good knock me in head as starve me to death. 

The nineteenth Remove. 

They said, when we went out, that we must travel to 
Wachuset this day. But a bitter weary day I had of it, 
travelling now three dayes together, without resting any day 
between. At last, after many weary steps, I saw Wachuset 
hills, but many miles off. Then we came to a great Swamp, 
through which we travelled, up to the knees in mud and water, 
which was heavy going to one tyred before. Being almost 
spent, I thought I should have sunk down at last, and never 


gat out; but I may say, as in Psal. 94. 18, When my foot slipped, 
thy mercy, Lord, held me up. Going along, having indeed 
my life, but little spirit, Philip, who was in the Company, came 
up and took me by the hand, and said. Two weeks more and 
you shal be Mistress again. I asked him, if he spake true? 
he answered, Yes, and quickly you shal come to your master 
again; who had been gone from us three weeks. After many 
weary steps we came to Wachuset, where he was: and glad I 
was to see him. He asked me. When I washt me? I told him 
not this month, then he fetcht me some water himself, and bid 
me wash, and gave me the Glass to see how I lookt; and bid 
his Squaw give me something to eat : so she gave me a mess of 
Beans and meat, and a little Ground-nut Cake. I was wonder- 
fully revived with this favour shewed me, Psal. 106. 46, He 
made them also to he pittied, of all those that carried them Cap- 

My master had three Squaws, living sometimes with one, 
and sometimes with another one, this old Squaw, at whose 
Wigwam I was, and with whom my Master had been those 
three weeks. Another was Wattimore,^ with whom I had 
lived and served all this while : A severe and proud Dame she 
was, bestowing every day in dressing her self neat as much 
time as any of the Gentry of the land: powdering her hair, 
and painting her face, going with Neck-laces, with Jewels in 
her ears, and Bracelets upon her hands : When she had dressed 
her self, her work was to make Girdles of Wampom and Beads. 
The third Squaw was a younger one, by whom he had two 
Papooses. By that time I was refresht by the old Squaw, 
with whom my master was, Wettimores Maid came to call me 
home, at which I fell a weeping. Then the old Squaw told me, 
to encourage me, that if I wanted victuals, I should come to 
her, and that I should ly there in her Wigwam. Then I went 
with the maid, and quickly came again and lodged there. 
The Squaw laid a Mat under me, and a good Rugg over me; 
the first time I had any such kindness shewed me. I under- 
stood that Wettimore thought, that if she should let me go 
and serve with the old Squaw, she would be in danger to loose, 
not only my service, but the redemption-pay also. And I 
was not a little glad to hear this ; being by it raised in my hopes, 

^ The name is usually given as Weetamoo. 


that in Gods due time there would be an end of this sorrowful! 
hour. Then came an Indian, and asked me to knit him three 
pair of StockinS; for which I had a Hat, and a s^kJHandker- 
chief . Then another asked me to m^e her a piftPfor which 

she gave me an Apron. ' "^ ^^"""^ 

Then came Tom and Peter/ with the second Letter from 
the Council, about the Captives. Though they were Indians, 
I gat them by the hand, and burst out into tears; my heart 
was so full that I could not speak to them; but recovering 
my self, I asked them how my husband did, and all my 
friends and acquaintance? they said. They are all very well 
but melancholy. They brought me two Biskets, and a pound 
of Tobacco. The Tobacco I quickly gave away; when it was 
all gone, one asked me to give him a pipe of Tobacco, I told 
him it was all gone; then began he to rant and threaten. I 
told him when my Husband came I would give him some: 
Hang him Rogue (sayes he) I will knock out his brains, if he 
comes here. And then again, in the same breath they would 
say. That if there should come an hundred without Guns, 
they would do them no hurt. So unstable and like mad men 
they were. So that fearing the worst, I durst not send to my 
flusband, though there were some thoughts of his coming to 
Redeem and fetch me, not knowing what might follow. For 
there was little more trust to them then to the master they 
served. When the Letter was come, the Saggamores met to 
consult about the Captives, and called me to them to enquire 
how much my husband would give to redeem me, when I 
came I sate down among them, as I was wont to do, as their 
manner is: Then they bade me stand up, and said, they were 
the General Court. ^ They bid me speak what I thought 
he would give. Now knowing that all we had was destroyed 
by the Indians, I was in a great strait: I thought if I should 
speak of but a little, it would be slighted, and hinder the 
matter; if of a great sum, I knew not where it would be pro- 

^ Tom Dublet (Nepanet) and Peter Conway (Tatatiquinea) were Christian 
Indians of Nashobah (Littleton in Lancaster), p. 33, ante, who were conduct- 
ing the negotiations for ransom. Dublet's first visit to the Indians was April 3, 
when he brought a letter from Governor Leverett of March 31 and bore in return 
a reply of April 12, to which Mrs. Rowlandson refers on p. 147. 

2 General Court was the oflficial style of the colonial assembly of Massa- 
chusetts Bay. 


cured: yet at a venture, I said Twenty pounds, yet desired 
them to take less; but they would not hear of that, but sent 
that message to Boston, that for Twenty pounds I should be 
redeemed. It was a Praying-Indian that wrote their Letter 
for them.* There was another Praying Indian, who told me, 
that he had a brother, that would not eat Horse; his conscience 
was so tender and scrupulous (though as large as hell, for the 
destruction of poor Christians). Then he said, he read that 
Scripture to him, 2 Kings, 6. 25. There was a famine in Samaria, 
and behold they besieged it, untill an Asses head was sold for 
fourscore pieces of silver, and the fourth part of a Kab of Doves 
dung, for Jive pieces of silver. He expounded this place to his 
brother, and shewed him that it was lawfull to eat that in a 
Famine which is not at another time. And now, sayes he, he 
will eat Horse with any Indian of them all. There was another 
Praying-Indian, who when he had done all the mischief that 
he could, betrayed his own Father into the English hands, 
thereby to purchase his own life. Another Praying-Indian 
was at Sudbury-fight,2 though, as he deserved, he was after- 
ward hanged for it. There was another Praying Indian, so 
wicked and cruel, as to wear a string about his neck, strung 
with Christians fingers. Another Praying-Indian, when they 
went to Sudbury-fight, went with them, and his Squaw also 
with him, with her Papoos at her back: Before they went to 
that fight, they got a company together to Powaw; the manner 
was as foUoweth. There was one that kneeled upon a Deer- 
skin, with the company round him in a ring who kneeled, and 
striking upon the ground with their hands, and with sticks, 
and muttering or humming with their mouths; besides him 
who kneeled in the ring, there also stood one with a Gun in 
his hand: Then he on the Deer-skin made a speech, and all 
manifested assent to it : and so they did many times together. 
Then they bade him with the Gun go out of the ring, which he 

1 Peter Jethro, Indian scribe. The letter, apparently dictated by Philip, 
is still preserved in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. It is 
printed in Palfrey's History of New England, III. 188: "whereupon we ask Mrs. 
Rolanson how much your husband willing to give for you; she gave an answer 
20 pound in goods." 

2 "Sudbury Fight" was on April 18. Captains Samuel Wadsworth of 
Milton and Samuel Brocklebank of Rowley with some thirty men were killed in 
an ambush. See p. 92, ante. 


did, but when he was out, they called him in again; but he 
seemed to make a stand, then they called the more earnestly, 
till he returned again: Then they all sang. Then they gave 
him two Guns, in either hand one: And so he on the Deer- 
skin began again; and at the end of every sentence in his 
speaking, they all assented, humming or muttering with their 
mouthes, and striking upon the ground with their hands. 
Then they bade him with the two Guns go out of the ring 
again; which he did, a little way. Then they called him in 
again, but he made a stand; so they called him with greater 
earnestness; but he stood reeling and wavering as if he knew 
not whither he should stand or fall, or which way to go. Then 
they called him with exceeding great vehemency, all of them, 
one and another: after a little while he turned in, staggering 
as he went, with his Armes stretched out, in either hand a Gun. 
As soon as he came in, they all sang and rejoyced exceedingly 
a while. And then he upon the Deer-skin, made another 
speech unto which they all assented in a rejoicing manner: 
and so they ended their business, and forthwith went to Sud- 
bury-fight. To my thinking they went without any scruple, 
but that they should prosper, and gain the victory. And they 
went out not so rejoycing, but they came home with as great 
a Victory. For they said they had killed two Captains, and 
almost an hundred men. One EngHsh-man they brought 
along with them: and he said, it was too true, for they had 
made sad work at Sudbury, as indeed it proved. Yet they 
came home without that rejoycing and triumphing over their 
victory, which they were wont to shew at other times, but 
rather like Dogs (as they say) which have lost their ears. Yet 
I could not perceive that it was for their own loss of men: 
They said, they had not lost above five or six: and I missed 
none, except in one Wigwam. When they went, they acted 
as if the Devil had told them that they should gain the victory: 
and now they acted, as if the Devil had told them they should 
have a faU. Whither it were so or no, I cannot tell, but so it 
proved, for quickly they began to faU, and so held on that 
Summer, till they came to utter mine. They came home on 
a Sabbath day, and the Powaw that kneeled upon the Deer- 
skin came home (I may say, without abuse) as black as the 
Devil. When my master came home, he came to me and bid 



me make a shirt for his Papoos, of a holland-laced Pillowbeer. 
About that time there came an Indian to me and bid me come 
to his Wigwam, at night, and he would give me some Pork 
and Ground-nuts. Which I did, and as I was eating, another 
Indian said to me, he seems to be your good Friend, but he 
killed two Englishmen at Sudbury, and there ly their Cloaths 
behind you: I looked behind me, and there I saw bloody 
Cloaths, with Bullet-holes in them; yet the Lord suffered not 
this wretch to do me any hurt; Yea, instead of that, he many 
times refresht me: five or six times did he and his Squaw re- 
fresh my feeble carcass. If I went to their Wigwam at any 
time, they would alwayes give me something, and yet they 
were strangers that I never saw before. Another Squaw gave 
me a piece of fresh Pork, and a little Salt with it, and lent me 
her Pan to Fry it in ; and I cannot but remember what a sweet, 
pleasant and delightfull relish that bit had to me, to this day. 
So little do we prize common mercies when we have them to 
the full. 

The twentieth Remove} 

It was their usual manner to remove, when they had done 
any mischief, lest they should be found out: and so they did 
at this time. We went about three or four miles, and there 
they built a great Wigwam, big enough to hold an hundred 
Indians, which they did in preparation to a great day of 
Dancing. They would say now amongst themselves, that the 
Governour would be so angry for his loss at Sudbury, that he 
would send no more about the Captives, which made me 
grieve and tremble. My Sister being not far from the place 
where we now were, and hearing that I was here, desired her 
master to let her come and see me, and he was willing to it, 
and would go with her: but she being ready before him, told 
him she would go before, and was come within a Mile or two 
of the place; Then he overtook her, and began to rant as if 

^ The twentieth remove, April 28-May 2, was to an encampment at about 
the southern end of Wachusett Lake, Princeton. On a granite ledge near the 
Westminster line which tradition has marked as the Redemption Rock, the late 
Senator George F. Hoar had the date May 2, 1676, inscribed as the date of the 
agreement made between the Indians and John Hoar for the ransom of Mrs. 
Rowlandson. See pp. 157, 158, post. 


he had been mad; and made her go back again in the Rain; 
so that I never saw her till I saw her in Charlestown. But the 
Lord requited many of their ill doings, for this Indian her 
Master, was hanged afterward at Boston.^ The Indians 
now began to come from all quarters, against their merry danc- 
ing day. Among some of them came one Goodwife Kettle i^ 
I told her my heart was so heavy that it was ready to break: 
so is mine too said she, but yet said, I hope we shall hear some 
good news shortly. I could hear how earnestly my Sister de- 
sired to see me, and I as earnestly desired to see her: and yet 
neither of us could get an opportunity. My Daughter was 
also now about a mile off, and I had not seen her in nine or 
ten weeks, as I had not seen my Sister since our first taking. 
I earnestly desired them to let me go and see them: yea, I 
intreated, begged, and perswaded them, but to let me see my 
Daughter; and yet so hard hearted were they, that they would 
not suffer it. They made use of their tvrannical pow er whilst 
they had it: but through the Lords wondertull mercy, " their 
time was now but short. 

On a Sabbath day, the Sun being about an hour high in the 
afternoon, came Mr. John Hoar^ (the Council permitting 
him, and his own foreward spirit inclining him) together with 
the two forementioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with their 
third Letter from the Council. When they came near, I was 
abroad: though I saw them not, they presently called me in, 
and bade me sit down and not stir. Then they catched up 
their Guns, and away they ran, as if an Enemy had been at 
hand; and the Guns went off apace. I manifested some great 
trouble, and they asked me what was the matter? I told them, 
I thought they had killed the English-man (for they had in the 
mean time informed me that an English-man was come) they 
said. No; They shot over his Horse and under, and before his 
Horse; and they pusht him this way and that way, at their 
pleasure: shewing what they could do: Then they let them 

* Mrs. Divoll had Sagamore Sam for her master; he was hanged in Boston, 
September 26, 1676. 

2 Arrangements looking toward her ransom are mentioned in the letter 
described in note 1, on p. 152. 

3 John Hoar of Concord, to whose services Mrs. Rowlandson owed more 
than to the colonial government. He was an ancestor of the late Senator Hoar. 


come to their Wigwams. I begged of them to let me see the 
EngHsh-man, but they would not. But there was I fain to 
sit their pleasure. When they had talked their fill with him, 
they suffered me to go to him. We asked each other of our 
welfare, and how my Husband did, and all my Friends? He 
told me they were all well, and would be glad to see me. 
Amongst other things which my Husband sent me, there came 
a pound of Tobacco: which I sold for nine shillings in Money: 
for many of the Indians for want of Tobacco, smoaked Hemlock, 
and Ground-Ivy. It was a great mistake in any, who thought 
I sent for Tobacco : for through the favour of God, that desire 
was overcome. I now asked them, whither I should go home 
with Mr. Hoar? They answered No, one and another of 
them: and it being night, we lay down with that answer; in 
the morning, Mr Hoar invited the Saggamores to Dinner; but 
when we went to get it ready, we found that they had stoUen 
the greatest part of the Provision Mr. Hoar had brought, out 
of his Bags, in the night. And we may see the wonderfull 
power of God, in that one passage, in that when there was such 
a great number of the Indians together, and so greedy of a little 
good food; and no English there, but Mr. Hoar and my self: 
that there they did not knock us in the head, and take what 
we had : there being not only some Provision, but also Trading- 
cloth, a part of the twenty pounds agreed upon : But instead 
of doing us any mischief, they seemed to be ashamed of the 
fact, and said, it were some Matchit Indian^ that did it. 
Oh, that we could believe that there is no thing too hard for 
God! God shewed his Power over the Heathen in this, as 
he did over the hungry Lyons when Daniel was cast into the 
Den. Mr. Hoar called them betime to Dinner, but they ate 
very little, they being so busie in dressing themselves, and 
getting ready for their Dance: which was carried on by eight 
of them, four Men and four Squaws : My master and mistress 
being two. He was dressed in his Holland shirt, with great 
Laces sewed at the tail of it, he had his silver Buttons, his 
white Stockins, his Garters were hung round with Shillings, 
and he had Girdles of Wampom upon his head and shoulders. 
She had a Kersey Coat, and covered with Girdles of Wampom 
from the Loins upward : her armes from her elbows to her hands 

* I. e,, bad Indian. 


were covered with Bracelets; there were handfulls of Neck- 
laces about her neck, and severall sorts of Jewels in her ears. 
She had fine red Stokins, and white Shoos, her hair powdered 
and face painted Red, that was alwayes before Black. And 
all the Dancers were after the same manner. There were two 
other singing and knocking on a Kettle for their musick. 
They keept hopping up and down one after another, with a 
Kettle of water in the midst, standing warm upon some Em- 
bers, to drink of when they were dry. They held on till it 
was almost night, throwing out Wampom to the standers by. 
At night I asked them again, if I should go home? They 
all as one said No, except my Husband would come for me. 
When we were lain down, my Master went out of the Wig- 
wam, and by and by sent in an Indian called James the 
Printer,^ who told Mr. Hoar, that my Master would let 
me go home to morrow, if he would let him have one pint of 
Liquors. Then Mr. Hoar called his own Indians, Tom and 
Peter, and bid them go and see whither he would promise it 
before them three: and if he would, he should have it; which 
he did, and he had it. Then Philip smeling the business cal'd 
me to him, and asked me what I would give him, to tell me 
some good news, and speak a good word for me. I told him, 
I could not tell what to give him, I would any thing I had, 
and asked him what he would have? He said, two Coats and 
twenty shillings in Mony, and half a bushel of seed Corn, and 
some Tobacco. I thanked him for his love: but I knew the 
good news as well as the crafty Fox. My Master after he had 
had his drink, quickly came ranting into the Wigwam again, 
and called for Mr. Hoar, drinking to him, and saying, He was 
a good man: and then again he would say. Hang him Rogue: 
Being almost drunk, he would drink to him, and yet presently 
say he should be hanged. Then he called for me. I trembled 
to hear him, yet I was fain to go to him, and he drank to me, 
shewing no incivility. He was the first Indian I saw drunk 
all the while that I was amongst them.^ At last his Squaw 

1 James the Printer was a Praying Indian, who had assisted at Cambridge 
in the printing of Eliot's Indian Bible. Later, July 1, he and 140 followers sur- 
rendered on the faith of a proclamation which offered pardon to those who did so. 

2 A striking testimony, but whether to the discipline among the Indians or 
to the remoteness of their successive "removes" Mrs. Rowlandson gives no hint. 


ran out, and he after her, round the Wigwam, with his mony 
jingHng at his knees: But she escaped him: But having an 
old Squaw he ran to her: and so through the Lords mercy, we 
were no more troubled that night. Yet I had not a comfort- 
able nights rest : for I think I can say, I did not sleep for three 
nights together. The night before the Letter came from the 
Council, I could not rest, I was so full of feares and troubles, 
God many times leaving us most in the dark, when deliverance 
is nearest: yea, at this time I could not rest night nor day. 
The next night I was overjoyed, Mr. Hoar being come, and 
that with such good tidings. The third night I was even swal- 
lowed up with the thoughts of things, viz. that ever I should 
go home again; and that I must go, leaving my Children be- 
hind me in the Wilderness; so that sleep was now almost de- 
parted from mine eyes. 

On Tuesday morning they called their General Court (as 
they call it) to consult and determine, whether I should go 
home or no: And they all as one man did seemingly consent 
to it, that I should go home; except Philip, who would not 
come among them. 

But before I go any further, I would take leave to mention 
a few remarkable passages of providence, which I took special 
notice of in my afflicted time. 

1. Of the fair opportunity lost in the long March, a little 
after the Fort-fight, when our English Army was so numerous, 
and in pursuit of the Enemy, and so near as to take several 
and destroy them: and the Enemy in such distress for food, 
that our men might track them by their rooting in the earth 
for Ground-nuts, whilest they were flying for their lives. I say, 
that then our Army should want Provision, and be forced to 
leave their pursuit and return homeward: and the very next 
week the Enemy came upon our Town, like Bears bereft of 
their whelps, or so many ravenous Wolves, rending us and our 
Lambs to death. But what shall I say? God seemed to leave 
his People to themselves, and order all things for his own holy 
ends. Shal there he evil in the City and the Lord hath not done 
it? They are not grieved for the affliction of Joseph, therefore 
shal they go Captive, with the first that go Captive. It is the Lords 
doing, and it should be marvelous in our eyes. 

2. I cannot but remember how the Indians derided the 


slowness, and dulness of the English Army, in its setting out. 
For after the desolations at Lancaster and Medfield, as I went 
along with them, they asked me when I thought the English 
Army would come after them? I told them I could not tell: 
It may be they will come in May, said they. Thus did they 
scoffe at us, as if the English would be a quarter of a year get- 
ting ready. 

3. Which also I have hinted before, when the English 
Army with new supplies were sent forth to pursue after the 
enemy, and they understanding it, fled before them till they 
came to Baquaug River, where they forthwith went over safely : 
that that River should be impassable to the English. I can 
but admire to see the wonderfull providence of God in pre- 
serving the heathen for farther affliction to our poor Countrey. 
They could go in great numbers over, but the English must 
stop: God had an over-ruling hand in all those things. 

4. It was thought, if their Corn were cut down, they would 
starve and dy with hunger: and all their Corn that could be 
found, was destroyed, and they driven from that little they 
had in store, into the Woods in the midst of Winter; and yet 
how to admiration did the Lord preserve them for his holy 
ends, and the destruction of many still amongst the English! 
strangely did the Lord provide for them; that I did not see 
(all the time I was among them) one Man, Woman, or Child, 
die with hunger. 

Though many times they would eat that, that a Hog or a 
Dog would hardly touch; yet by that God strengthned them 
to be a scourge to his People. 

The chief and commonest food was Ground-nuts: They 
eat also Nuts and Acorns, Harty-choaks, Lilly roots, Ground- 
beans, and several other weeds and roots, that I know not. 

They would pick up old bones, and cut them to pieces at 
the joynts, and if they were full of wormes and magots, they 
would scald them over the fire to make the vermine come 
out, and then boile them, and drink up the Liquor, and then 
beat the great ends of them in a Morter, and so eat them. 
They would eat Horses guts, and ears, and all sorts of wild 
Birds which they could catch: also Bear, Vennison, Beaver, 
Tortois, Frogs, Squirrels, Dogs, Skunks, Rattle-snakes; yea, 
the very Bark of Trees; besides all sorts of creatures, and pro- 


vision which they plundered from the Enghsh. I can but 
stand in admiration to see the wonderful power of God, in 
providing for such a vast number of our Enemies in the Wil- 
derness, where there was nothing to be seen, but from hand to 
mouth. Many times in a morning, the generality of them 
would eat up all they had, and yet have some forther supply 
against they wanted. It is said, Psal. 81. 13, 14. Oh, that 
my People had hearkned to me, and Israel had walked in my 
wayes, I should soon have subdued their Enemies, and turned my 
hand against their Adversaries. But now our perverse and evil 
carriages in the sight of the Lord, have so offended him, that 
instead of turning his hand against them, the Lord feeds and 
nourishes them up to be a scourge to the whole Land. 

5. Another thing that I would observe is, the strange 
providence of God, in turning things about when the Indians 
was at the highest, and the English at the lowest. I was with 
the Enemy eleven weeks and five dayes, and not one Week 
passed without the fury of the Enemy, and some desolation 
by fire and sword upon one place or other. They mourned 
(with their black faces) for their own lossess, yet triumphed 
and rejoyced in their inhumane, and many times devilish 
cruelty to the English. They would boast much of their 
Victories; saying, that in two hours time they had destroyed 
such a Captain, and his Company at such a place; and such 
a Captain and his Company in such a place; and such a Cap- 
tain and his Company in such a place: and boast how many 
^Towns they had destroyed, and then scoffe, and say. They had 
done them a good turn, to send them to Heaven so soon. 
Again, they would say, This Summer that they would knock 
all the Rogues in the head, or drive them into the Sea, or make 
them flie the Countrey: thinking surely, Agag-like, The bitter- 
ness of Death is past} Now the Heathen begins to think 
all is their own, and the poor Christians hopes to fail (as to 
man) and now their eyes are more to God, and their hearts 
sigh heaven- ward : and to say in good earnest, Help Lord, or we 
perish: When the Lord had brought his people to this, that 
they saw no help in any thing but himself: then he takes the 
quarrel into his own hand: and though they had made a pit, 
in their own imaginations, as deep as hell for the Christians 

^ I Samuel xv. 32. 


that Summer, yet the Lord hurll'd them selves into it. And 
the Lord had not so many wayes before to preserve them, 
but now he hath as many to destroy them. 

But to return again to my going home, where we may see 
a remarkable change of Providence: At first they were all 
against it, except my Husband would come for me; but after- 
wards they assented to it, and seemed much to rejoyce in it; 
some askt me to send them some Bread, others some Tobacco, 
others shaking me by the hand, offering me a Hood and Scarfe 
to ride in; not one moving hand or tongue against it. Thus 
hath the Lord answered my poor desire, and the many earnest 
requests of others put up unto God for me. In my travels 
an Indian came to me, and told me, if I were willing, he and 
his Squaw would run away, and go home along with me: I 
told him No: I was not willing to run away, but desired to 
wait Gods time, that I might go home quietly, and without 
fear. And now God hath granted me my desire. the won- 
derfull power of God that I have seen, and the experience that 
I have had : I have been in the midst of those roaring Lyons, 
and Salvage Bears, that feared neither God, nor Man, nor the 
Devil, by night and day, alone and in company: sleeping all 
sorts together, and yet not one of them ever offered me the 
least abuse of unchastity to me, in word or action. Though 
some are ready to say, I speak it for my own credit; But I 
speak it in the presence of God, and to his Glory. Gods 
Power is as great now, and as sufficient to save, as when he 
preserved Daniel in the Lions Den; or the three Children in 
the fiery Furnace. I may well say as his Psal. 107. 12, Oh 
give thanks unto the Lord for he is good, for his mercy endureth 
for ever. Let the Redeemed of the Lord say so, whom he hath 
redeemed from the hand of the Enemy, especially that I should 
come away in the midst of so many hundreds of Enemies 
quietly and peacably, and not a Dog moving his tongue. So 
I took my leave of them, and in coming along my heart melted 
into tears, more then all the while I was with them, and I 
was almost swallowed up with the thoughts that ever I should 
go home again. About the Sun going down, Mr. Hoar, and 
my self, and the two Indians came to Lancaster, and a solemn 
sight it was to me. There had I lived many comfortable 
years amongst my Relations and Neighbours, and now not 


one Christian to be seen, nor one house left standing. We 
went on to a Farm house^ that was yet standing, where we 
lay all night : and a comfortable lodging we had, though noth- 
ing but straw to ly on. The Lord preserved us in safety that 
night, and raised us up again in the morning, and carried us 
along, that before noon, we came to Concord. Now was I 
full of joy, and yet not without sorrow: joy to see such a lovely 
sight, so many Christians together, and some of them my 
Neighbours: There I met with my Brother, and my Brother 
in Law,2 who asked me, if I knew where his Wife was? Poor 
heart! he had helped to bury her, and knew it not; she being 
shot down by the house was partly burnt: so that those who 
were at Boston at the desolation of the Town, and came back 
afterward, and buried the dead, did not know her. Yet I 
was not without sorrow, to think how many were looking and 
longing, and my own Children amongst the rest, to enjoy that 
deliverance that I had now received, and I did not know whither 
ever I should see them again. Being recruited with food and 
raiment we went to Boston that day, where I met with my dear 
Husband, but the thoughts of our dear Children, one being 
dead, and the other we could not tell where, abated our com- 
fort each to other. I was not before so much hem'd in with 
the merciless and cruel Heathen, but now as much with pitti- 
ful, tender-hearted and compassionate Christians. In that 
poor, and destressed, and beggerly condition I was received 
in, I was kindly entertained in severall Houses : so much love 
I received from several (some of whom I knew, and others I 
knew not) that I am not capable to declare it. But the Lord 
knows them all by name: The Lord reward them seven fold 
into their bosoms of his spirituals, for their temporals. The 
twenty pounds the price of my redemption was raised by 
some Boston Gentlemen, and Mrs. Usher,^ whose bounty and 
religious charity, I would not forget to make mention of. 
Then Mr. Thomas Shepard ^ of Charlstown received us 

^ This farmhouse was on the road to Marlborough, as "not one house was 
left standing" in Lancaster. 

2 Josiah White and Henry Kerley. 

*Wife of Hezekiah Usher, bookseller, a selectman of Boston. 

* Rev. Thomas Shepard of Charlestown was a son of the more famous R«v. 
Thomas Shepard of Cambridge. 


into his House, where we continued eleven weeks; and a 
Father and Mother they were to us. And many more tender- 
hearted Friends we met with in that place. We were now in 
the midst of love, yet not without much and frequent heaviness 
of heart for our poor Children, and other Relations, who were 
still in affliction. The week following, after my coming in, 
the Governour and Council sent forth to the Indians again; 
and that not without success; for they brought in my Sister, 
and Good- wife Kettle : Their not knowing where our Children 
were, was a sore tryal to us still, and yet we were not without 
secret hopes that we should see them again. That which was 
dead lay heavier upon my spirit, than those which were alive 
and amongst the Heathen; thinking how it suffered with its 
wounds, and I was no way able to relieve it; and how it was 
buried by the Heathen in the Wilderness from among all Chris- 
tians. We were hurried up and down in our thoughts, some- 
time we should hear a report that they were gone this way, 
and sometimes that; and that they were come in, in this place 
or that: We kept enquiring and hstning to hear concerning 
them, but no certain news as yet. About this time the Coun- 
cil had ordered a day of publick Thanks-giving:^ though I 
thought I had stiU cause of mourning, and being unsettled in 
our minds, we thought we would ride toward the Eastward, 
to see if we could hear any thing concerning our Children. 
And as we were riding along (God is the wise disposer of all 
things) between Ipswich and Rowly we met with Mr. William 
Hubbard,^ who told us that our Son Joseph was come in to 
Major Waldrens,^ and another with him, which was my Sis- 
ters Son. I asked him how he knew it? He said, the Major 
himself told him so. So along we went till we came to New- 
bury; and their Minister being absent, they desired my Hus- 
band to Preach the Thanks giving for them; but he was not 
willing to stay there that night, but would go over to Salisbury, 

^ This was the Thanksgiving of June 29, 1676. The broadside appointing 
it, the eariiest American thanksgiving broadside known, is extant in the library 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and is reproduced in Rev. W. D. Love's 
The Fast and Thanksgiving Days of New England, p. 200. 

2 Minister of Ipswich and historian of the war; see p. 22, supra. 

3 Major Richard Waldron or Waldren of Dover, New Hampshire, a man of 
much prominence in his region. 


to hear further, and come again in the morning; which he 
did, and Preached there that day. At night, when he had done, 
one came and told him that his Daughter was come in at 
Providence: Here was mercy on both hands: Now hath 
God fulfiled that precious Scripture which was such a comfort 
to me in my distressed condition. When my heart was ready 
to sink into the Earth (my Children being gone I could not 
tell whither) and my knees trembled under me, And I was 
walking through the valley of the shadow of Death : Then the 
Lord brought, and now has fulfilled that reviving word unto 
me : Thus saith the Lord, Refrain thy voice from weeping, and 
thine eyes from tears, for thy Work shall he rewarded, saith the 
Lord, and they shall come again from the Land of the Enemy. ^ 
Now we were between them, the one on the East, and the other 
on the West: Our Son being nearest, we went to him first, to 
Portsmouth, where we met with him, and with the Major 
also: who told us he had done what he could, but could not 
redeem him under seven pounds; which the good People 
thereabouts were pleased to pay. The Lord reward the Major, 
and all the rest, though unknown to me, for their labour of 
Love. My Sisters Son was redeemed for four pounds, which 
the Council gave order for the payment of. Having now re- 
ceived one of our Children, we hastened toward the other; 
going back through Newbury, my Husband preached there 
on the Sabbath-day: for which they rewarded him many fold. 
On Munday we came to Charlstown, where we heard that 
the Governour of Road-Island^ had sent over for our Daugh- 
ter, to take care of her, being now within his Jurisdiction: 
which should not pass without our acknowledgments. But 
she being nearer Rehoboth than Road-Island, Mr. Newman^ 
went over, and took care of her, and brought her to his own 
House. And the goodness of God was admirable to us in our 
low estate, in that he raised up passionate^ Friends on every 
side to us, when we had nothing to recompance any for their 
love. The Indians were now gone that way, that it was ap- 
prehended dangerous to go to her: But the Carts which car- 
ried Provision to the English Army, being guarded, brought 

* Jeremiah xxxi. 16. 

« William Coddington was governor of Rhode Island at this time. 

» Rev. Noah Newman of Rehoboth. * Compassionate. 


her with them to Dorchester, where we received her safe: 
blessed be the Lord for it, For great is his Power, and he can 
do whatsoever seemeth him good. Her coming in was after 
this manner: She was traveUing one day with the Indians, 
with her basket at her back; the company of Indians were 
got before her, and gone out of sight, all except one Squaw; 
she followed the Squaw till night, and then both of them lay 
down, having nothing over them but the heavens, and under 
them but the earth. Thus she travelled three dayes together, 
not knowing whither she was going: having nothing to eat or 
drink but water, and green Hirtle-berries. At last they came 
into Providence, where she was kindly entertained by several 
of that Town. The Indians often said, that I should never 
have her under twenty pounds: But now the Lord hath 
brought her in upon free-cost, and given her to me the second 
time. The Lord make us a blessing indeed, each to others. 
Now have I seen that Scripture also fulfilled, Deut. 30 : 4, 7. 
// any of thine he driven out to the outmost parts of heaven, 
from thence will the Lord thy God gather thee, and from thence 
will he fetch thee. And the Lord thy God will put all these curses 
upon thine enemies, and on them which hate thee, which perse-- 
cuted thee. Thus hath the Lord brought me and mine out of 
that horrible pit, and hath set us in the midst of tender-hearted 
and compassionate Christians. It is the desire of my soul, 
that we may walk worthy of the mercies received, and which 
we are receiving. 

Our Family being now gathered together (those of us that 
were living) the South Church in Boston hired an House for 
us: Then we removed from Mr. Shepards, those cordial 
Friends, and went to Boston, where we continued about three 
quarters of a year: Still the Lord went along with us, and pro- 
vided graciously for us. I thought it somewhat strange to 
set up House-keeping with bare walls; but as Solomon sayes, 
Mony answers all things;^ and that we had through the be- 
nevolence of Christian-friends, some in this Town, and some in 
that, and others: And some from England, that in a little 
time we might look, and see the House furnished with love. 
The Lord hath been exceeding good to us in our low estate, 
in that when we had neither house nor home, nor other neces- 

^ Ecclesiastes x. 19. 


saries; the Lord so moved the hearts of these and those towards 
us, that we wanted neither food, nor raiment for our selves or 
ours, Prov. 18. 24. There is a Friend which sticketh closer than 
a Brother. And how many such Friends have we found, and 
now hving amongst? And truly such a Friend have we found 
him to be unto us, in whose house we lived, viz. Mr. James 
Whitcomb,^ a Friend unto us near hand, and afar off. 

I can remember the time, when I used to sleep quietly 
without workings in my thoughts, whole nights together, but 
now it is other wayes with me. When all are fast about me, 
and no eye open, but his who ever waketh, my thoughts are 
upon things past, upon the awfull dispensation of the Lord 
towards us; upon his wonderfull power and might, in carrying 
of us through so many difficulties, in returning us in safety, 
and suffering none to hurt us. I remember in the night season, 
how the other day I was in the midst of thousands of enemies, 
and nothing but death before me: It is then hard work to 
perswade my self, that ever I should be satisfied with bread 
again. But now we are fed with the finest of the Wheat, and, 
as I may say. With honey out of the rock: In stead of the 
Husk, we have the fatted Calf: The thoughts of these things 
in the particulars of them, and of the love and goodness of 
God towards us, make it true of me, what David said of him- 
self, Psal. 6. 5.2 / watered my Couch with my tears. Oh! the 
wonderfull power of God that mine eyes have seen, affording 
matter enough for my thoughts to run in, that when others 
are sleeping mine eyes are weeping. 

I have seen the extrem vanity of this World: One hour I 
have been in health, and wealth, wanting nothing: But the 
next hour in sickness and wounds, and death, having nothing 
but sorrow and affliction. 

Before I knew what affliction meant, I was ready sometimes 
to wish for it. When I lived in prosperity, having the com- 
forts of the World about me, my relations by me, my Heart 
chearfull, and taking little care for any thing; and yet seeing 
many, whom I preferred before my self, under many tryals and 
afflictions, in sickness, weakness, poverty, losses, crosses, and 

1 James Whitecomb of Boston lived about where the Tremont Building was 

2 More exactly, Psalm vi. 6. 


cares of the World, I should be sometimes jealous least I should 
have my portion in this life, and that Scripture would come to 
my mind, Heb. 12. 6. For whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, 
and scourgeth every Son whom he receiveth. But now I see the 
Lord had his time to scourge and chasten me. The portion 
of some is to have their afflictions by drops, now one drop and 
then another; but the dregs of the Cup, the Wine of astonish- 
ment, like a sweeping rain that leaveth no food, did the Lord 
prepare to be my portion. Affliction I wanted, and affliction 
I had, full measure (I thought) pressed down and running over; 
yet I see, when God calls a Person to any thing, and through 
never so many difficulties, yet he is fully able to carry them 
through and make them see, and say they have been gainers 
thereby. And I hope I can say in some measure. As David 
did. It is good for me that I have been afflicted. The Lord hath 
shewed me the vanity of these outward things. That they are 
the Vanity of vanities, and vexation of spirit; that they are 
but a shadow, a blast, a bubble, and things of no continuance. 
That we must rely on God himself, and our whole dependance 
must be upon him. If trouble from smaller matters begin to 
arise in me, I have something at hand to check my self with, 
and say, why am I troubled? It was but the other day that 
if I had had the world, I would have given it for my freedom, 
or to have been a Servant to a Christian. I have learned to 
look beyond present and smaller troubles, and to be quieted 
under them, as Moses said, Exod. 14. 13. Stand still and see 
the salvation of the Lord. 




For an understanding of any conflict between the French 
and English in America the difference between the purposes 
of the two peoples in colonization must be kept constantly 
before us. The English, whether Puritan or Cavalier, came 
to America to make new homes. They identified themselves 
with the country in which they settled, and sought to repro- 
duce the conditions existing in the land from which they had 
come. The French and in a less degree the Dutch were not 
seeking homes. Their purpose was to obtain new territories 
and new trade for their mother countries or new wealth for 
themselves. This done they could return to France or to 
Holland and live with an increased political and social prestige. 
The Englishman became an American. The Frenchman less 
often became a Canadian. The navigation laws would have 
been a matter of course to a French colony. They irritated 
English colonists intensely. 

These reasons explain the cause and the result of the con- 
flict between the French and English in America. For pur- 
poses of trade the French boundaries must be continually ex- 
panding and their relations with the Indians friendly. The 
more gradual development of the English self-governing and 
self-supporting communities demanded a secure frontier and 
an assimilation or destruction of all hostile peoples within 
those boundaries, but the English would not incorporate the 
Indians among themselves. The first successes were with the 
French under leaders like Champlain, Talon, and Frontenac. 

The final victory lay with the gradual advance of the English 



township. The coureur de hois was no match for the perma- 
nent settler. 

Behind this inevitable conflict in America was the immediate 
conflict in Europe. Since the rule of Cromwell England had 
not been politically independent of France. The interference 
of Louis XIV. in British affairs had become more and more 
galling to Englishmen, but the probable extinction of the male 
line of the Stuarts with the death of James II. had prevented 
an open alliance between the Whigs within and the Dutch 
without the kingdom. The birth of a son to the English king 
removed the hope of a Protestant successor who would oppose 
France, and the rivalry between the two peoples, each seeking 
a controlling influence in Europe and America, broke out into 
open war. The colonists had no option but war even had they 
desired to remain at peace. From the viewpoint of the New 
England Puritan much can be found in the conditions prevail- 
ing both in England and in America at this time to justify 
the title of Decennium Luctuosum (Sorrowful Decade) which 
Cotton Mather chose for his history of the period. In England 
the memory of the harsh control exercised by the Puritans of 
1648 and by Cromwell remained so vivid that neither the 
carelessness of the early reign of Charles II. nor the unscrupu- 
lousness of Danby during the later years of that reign had 
aroused any effective protest. In America the weakness of 
Massachusetts and New England resulting from the efforts 
put forth during King Philip's war determined the home gov- 
ernment to improve this opportunity to coerce the independent 
colonists. Edward Randolph came to Boston to learn how 
this coercion might be effected, and from 1676 to the close of 
the century he was a thorn in the flesh of Massachusetts. 
Largely because of his influence and that of his friend William 
Blathwayt the Bay Colony was kept in a broil with New 
Hampshire, was obliged to buy out the claims of the Gorges 
heirs to the province of Maine, lost the charter under which 


she had chosen her own governors, and was reduced to what 
she considered the low estate of a royal province. The ad- 
ministrations of Joseph Dudley and of Sir Edmund Andros 
are among the bitterest periods of Massachusetts history. 

The revolution of 1689 and the reign of William and Mary 
did not restore the balance in New England. It brought a 
change from the Andros government, but neither the religious 
nor the political authority of the Puritan returned to its former 
high position. The promises which had been read into the 
"Declaration" of William when he invaded England were 
regarded by the colonists as unfulfilled. The charge of ill 
faith to his Massachusetts supporters was urged continuously, 
and seemed justified when Rhode Island and Connecticut, but 
not Massachusetts, were allowed to resume their old frames of 
government. Pride in the European victories of the British 
king did not remove nor make adequate compensation for the 
failure of Increase Mather, the colonial agent at London, to 
secure a restoration of the old charter lost in 1684, and the 
war at home, continued from the Andros regime, and waged 
against the combined French and Indian adversaries, was a 
grievous burden to the exhausted Americans. The beginning 
of Mather's ten years was certainly a period of woe to the Puri- 
tan at Boston, nor had the atmosphere cleared at the end of 
that decade. The king had lost many of his prerogatives in 
England by virtue of the revolution against the Stuarts. The 
English government and its gubernatorial representative in 
Massachusetts had apparently gained new prerogatives in 
America as a result of the same uprising. A centralized gov- 
ernment with Frontenac at its head had been a success in Can- 
ada, but Massachusetts wished no Frontenac at Boston. 

With the invasion of the military powers belonging to Con- 
necticut and Rhode Island under their restored charters the 
Massachusetts Puritans had no sympathy. Had it been a 
governor of their own choice who took command of the troops 


from the more southern colonies they might have acquiesced, 
but when royal appointees like Fletcher, of New York, and Sir 
William Phips, in obedience to English directions, thus inter- 
fered, it was another evidence of decreasing colonial importance. 
Little wonder that Mather should be discouraged, for he could 
not see the end which this policy must bring. 

From the Puritan viewpoint the religious outlook was 
little brighter. The removal of Increase Mather from the 
presidency of Harvard College in 1701 has been said to mark 
the end of Biblical rule in New England. Not that religion 
or the Bible had no further influence, but New England history 
was no longer recorded as an illustration of the fulfilment of 
Biblical prophecy. Such were the conditions when the fol- 
lowing narrative was written. The general history of the war 
of 1688-1698 can best be followed in Parkman's Count Fron- 
tenac and New France under Louis XIV. or in Shea's edition 
of Charlevoix. 

Cotton Mather was the most learned writer in colonial 
America. His Magnolia or Ecclesiastical History of New Eng- 
land (into which the Decennium Luctuosum was incorporated) 
is the most noteworthy history written by any American pre- 
vious to the revolution of 1776. For the preparation of this 
ambitious work no contemporary author could have had better 
advantage than he. Cotton Mather's father and grandfather 
had not only lived during the period covered by this history, 
but they had lived at the centre of New England's political 
and religious activity, leading figures in the Puritan theocracy, 
and had been men of sufficient ability to realize the importance 
of the changes through which the colonies were passing. Of 
even greater importance for the years between the loss by 
Massachusetts of her old charter in 1684 and the grant of 
the new in 1691 was the experience of Increase Mather as 
special agent of the colony in England. These years gave him 
and his son a knowledge of men and conditions abroad supple- 


menting the father's earher experience of men and events in 
New England. Both Richard and Increase Mather were pro- 
lific writers for their time and their store of knowledge was 
thereby continued. The nine publications credited to the 
former and the more than one hundred and thirty distinct 
contributions of the latter show the literary influence and in- 
heritance which came to the yet more industrious grandson. 
Thus the experience and writings of his immediate ancestors, 
among whom John Cotton must also be reckoned, united with 
the testimony of their fellows and the wide correspondence 
of Mather himself in furnishing a rich field upon which our 
author could draw for his material. It was a field somewhat 
comparable to the archives in Europe and America which 
Parkman covered two centuries later in his history of the 
French side of the conflict. 

Cotton Mather was born February 12, 1662/3, and was 
graduated from Harvard College in 1678. He spent his youth 
among the incidents related in the preceding pages of this 
volume and of which his father made careful record in his 
Brief History. From 1684 to 1728 he was minister of the 
Second (Old North) Church in Boston. Eager to do good, but 
also eager for prominence and distinction, he published more 
than four hundred books and pamphlets, marked by piety and 
learning, but also by pedantry, vanity, and great defects of 
judgment. Several of them were historical in intention. The 
Decennium Luduosum was first published at Boston in 1699. 
This edition has now become excessively rare. The text here 
printed is that of the nearly unique copy in the Boston Public 
Library. A sermon. Observable Things : The History of Ten 
Years Rolled away under the great Calamities of a War with In- 
dian Salvages, Repeated and Improved in a Sermon at Boston- 
Lecture, 27 d. 7 m. [i. e., September 27] 1698, is appended in 
the original volume, but is no necessary part of the narrative. 

A few years later, Mather incorporated the Decennium 


Luduosum, as an appendix or seventh chapter to book vii., in 
his chief historical work, the famous Magnolia Christi Ameri- 
cana. That strange mosaic, so valuable for New England his- 
tory but so disorderly and inaccurate, was in good part made 
up out of pieces already printed — and insufficiently revised. 
Its first edition was published in London in 1702. There are 
modern editions of 1820 and 1853. The spirit in which the 
"bulky thing," as the author calls the entire work, was written 
may be fairly j udged from the following quotations. The twelfth 
of January, 1698, writes Mather in his private records, "I set 
apart ... for the exercise of a secret fast before the Lord," 
in order to obtain "the direction of Heaven about my Church 
History." So soon as the author had seen the completed vol- 
ume in print a second day was set apart "for solemn thanks- 
giving unto God for his watchful and gracious Providence 
over that work and for the harvest of so many prayers and 
cares and tears and resignations as I had employed upon it." 
The secret of the weakness as well as of the strength of 
Cotton Mather as an historian is found in these statements. 
His Magnolia is more a series of sermons to prove the manner 
in which God's peculiar care over New England had been made 
manifest than a careful statement of the exact facts as they 
occurred. The result is a strange and imperfect thing, show- 
ing great knowledge and industry but giving almost as much 
irritation as pleasure to the reader. Among other advantages 
generally conceded to Mather was that of an excellent memory, 
but the critic is tempted to remark that it would have been 
better if our author had not trusted his memory so absolutely 
when writing his history. Much the same might be said of 
his frequent use of Latin quotations and the numerous digres- 
sions for illustrative purposes. Both practices show a wealth 
of knowledge on the part of the author, but they assume an 
equal familiarity with Latin on the part of the reader and an 
equal desire to turn aside from the narrative in hand, an as- 


sumption which often confuses if it does not vex the student. 
Despite these criticisms of details, the Decennium Luctuosum 
as a whole covers the last years of conflict in the seventeenth 
centuiy better than any other contemporary history, perhaps 
as well as all others combined. Errors of fact and of fancy 
are to be found, but the narrative is interesting, and with the 
above cautions may usually be trusted. 

Cotton Mather, the more distinguished son of a notable 
father, was not only the most complete type of the old-fashioned 
divine in New England, as Professor Barrett Wendell remarks 
in his biography, but also New England's best specimen of 
the late-seventeenth-century historian. His life and his his- 
torical writings show what in New England history during the 
last quarter of that century most appealed to the ablest men 
of the time. For this reason if for no other, the Decennium 
Luctuosum has its proper place in this series of narratives. 
The author's description of his work will form a fitting close 
to this introduction. 

"In the Month of August, I sett myself to Consider on 
Some further and Special Services for the Name of my Lord 
Jesus Christ. And I foresaw a very Comprehensive One to 
be done, first, in Collecting and Improving the observable Dis- 
pensations of God, which have occurred, in the Long War, 
which wee have had with our Indian Savages, and uttering 
my Observations, in a Sermon or Two, at our Countrey- 
Lecture: And, then, in composing as agreeable an History of 
our Indian War as I can and Incorporating into it as charming 
and useful entertainments for the Countrey, as I may think 
upon: so. Resigning myself up to the Conduct of the Spirit 
of Grace, I sett about the Service thus before mee; hoping 
within a few weeks time, in the midst of my other undertak- 
ings, to dispatch it, for the glory of my Heavenly Lord. 

"The work, being accomplished, I putt upon it, the Title 
of Decennium Luctuosum. It is filled with a great Variety of 


Things contrived as well as I can together, for the Glory of 
my Lord Jesus Christ; and the welfare of the people through- 
out the Land. 

"0 my God, I exceedingly give Thanks to thy Name, for 
the Help thou hast given mee, in Dispatching this work." 


Decennium Luctuosum: An History of Remarkable Occurrences 
in the Long War, which New-England hath had with the 
Indian Salvages, from the year 1688, to the year 1698, 
faithfully Composed and Improved. 

Infandum, Juhes Renovare Dolorem. 

Boston in New England. Printed by B. Green, and J. Allen, 
for Samuel Phillips, at the Brick Shop near the Old-Meeting- 
House, 1699.1 

To the People of New England. 

You are Welcome unto the History of a Tedious war, and 
unto a Period of that War so far in prospect, as to render its 
History Seasonable. 

Every Reasonable man will readily allow, that it is a duty 
to God, and a Service to the World, for to preserve the Memory 
of such matters, as have been the more Memorable Occur- 
rences in the War, that has for Ten Years together been mul- 
tiplying Changes and Sorrows upon us. And the Author, in 
whose Historical Writings the most Inquisitive Envy has never 
to this hour detected so much as one Voluntary and Material 
Mistake, or one farthing paid unto the Readers in the Coin 
of Candia,^ has now chosen to preserve the Memory of these 
matters while they are Fresh and New, and one hath not 
Fifty years, which is the Channel of the River of Oblivion, to 
pass over unto them. This Expedition is used in the pub- 
lication of our Decennium Luctuosum, in hope that if any 
mistake worth Noting do appear in these Writings, it may 

* Title-page of the original. 2 Counterfeit coin. 



Like, and perhaps With, a Second Edition, be Corrected and 

He Expects no Thanks for his Essayes to do Good, in this 
way or any other, unto any part of his Country, to whom he 
would gladly devote all his Talents, if he were a Thousand 
Times better Talented than he is; and though the most un- 
grateful Treats Imaginable (which are too well known by the 
name of Country-pay) should be given him, he would still be 
of that Opinion, Redefecisse Merces est, If a man may Do Good, 
it is enough. 

All the Favour he desires of you is. That you would not 
Enquire after him; or ask, who he is? but that as he is at 
best but an Obscure Person, he may continue in yet more Ob- 
scurity: which will be a greater pleasure to him than to be 
placed among the Great men of Achaia.^ 

For indeed. He hath often thought on a passage written by 
Holy Mr. Row ^ to his Excellent Son, / pray that God would 
make use of my self and you in such a way, as that God only may 
he seen and we not he taken notice of at all; that He may have the 
Glory, and we may not he seen. 

Could he have invited his Excellency unto such a glorious 
Table as that in a certain Cabinet at Florence, which is fur- 
nished with Birds and flowers, all consisting of Neatly polished 
Jewels inlaid into it; a work Fifteen years in making, and worth 
an Hundred Thousand crowns: or could he have written a 
Book worthy to be laid up in the Cabinet of Darius: the 
Author might have been under a Temptation to have had his 
Name Engraved upon his Work. But a httle Boiled Indian 
Corn in a Tray, is as much as our Best History of an Indian 
War, composed perhaps in fewer Dayes than there were Years 
in the War, may presume to be compar'd unto. And since 
our History will not afford such a Diversion imto His Excel- 
lency, under the Indispositions of His Health, as those of 
Livy and Curtius did unto the Princes that Recovered their 
lost Health by Reading them; nor can any passage here be so 

^Such professions of aversion to notoriety are frequent with Mather. 
The emptiness of the present elaborate expression of this fine sentiment is mani- 
fest from the fact that the sermon Observable Things, which every one in Boston 
knew to be by Cotton Mather, since it had been publicly delivered September 27, 
1698, is included as a part of the volume. See the Introduction, p. 175 above. 

2 John Row (1525?-1580), the Scottish reformer. 



Remarkable Occmrcmc^, 

In the Lofig 

WA R. 


From tlie Year^ i 6$S . 

To the Year, 1 6 qS. 
YaiihMlyCQnvjQfed and Iraprowa, 

JiiUnidnm ^---Juhs Renuvan* D oh: rem , 
BOSTON ixi H'w-i;ngliind, 

at the Wic^Sho^ jicartheOM-Mrcti n^'-Hmfej6o^ 


From the original in the Boston Public Library 


happy, as that which cured Laurentius Medices ^ of a Malady 
by having it read unto him: it will require no more than a 
Nameless Writer to Assure that Great Person on this Occasion, 
That all the good People of New-England make their Fervent 
Vows unto the Almighty, For His Excellencies Prosperity, 
and the Welfare of his Excellent Lady, and of his Noble and 
Hopeful Offspring. 

And the naming of the Author, is as little Necessary to 
Qualify him, that he may pay publick Acknowledgments unto 
the Honourable the Lieutenant Governour; not only for His 
Cares about the Publick, while it was Tempestuated with the 
Indian War, which now makes an History; but chiefly for his 
more than ordinary Tenderness of that Society, which has 
been the very Decus ac Tutamen^ of New-England. The 
Nameless Writer of this History may Report, that with a 
Greater Expence than that of the First-Founder, this Honour- 
able Person proves that he Loves our Nation, by Building us 
another Edifice for the Supply of all our Synagogues, and 
Stoughton-Hall outshines Harvard-Colledge: and he Speaks 
Kinder Language, as well as Better Latin, than that eminent 
States-man in Flanders, whose Answer to a Petition for the 
priviledges of an University there to be restored, was, non 
curamus vostros privilegios.^ This Report may be given with- 
out being obliged for to confess any other Name than this, 
which he readily Confesses; One that was once a Member of 

1 pray. Sirs, Ask no further; Let this Writing be, like that 
on the Wall to Belshazzar, where the Hand only was to be 
seen, and not who'se it was. The History is compiled with 
Incontestable Veracity; and since there is no Ingenuity in it, 
but less than what many Pens in the Land might Command, 
he knows not why his Writing Ajionymously may not Shelter 
him from the Inconveniencies of having any Notice, one way 
or other, taken of him. Though among his other small Furni- 
ture, he hath not left himself unfurnished with skill in the 

^ Lorenzo de' Medici. The governor here alluded to was Lord Bellomont, 
the lieutenant-governor William Stoughton, who was in actual charge of the gov- 
ernment until Bellomont's arrival. 

2 "Glory and protection." 

' He meant to say, "We do not care for your privileges," but curamus is 
not the proper word. 


Spanish Language, yet he never could bring himself to the 
Belief of the Spanish Proverb, Quien no parece, perece; i. e. 
He that appears not, perishes; He that Shows not himself to 
the world is undone. At Milain there is an Academy of 
Sensible Persons, called The Nascosti, or. Hidden men; At 
Venice there is one of such persons called. The Incogniti;^ 
and at Parma there is one of them, called, The Innominati.^ If 
there were nothing else Disagreeable in them, the Author of this 
History would be glad of an Admission into such an Academy. 

The History is indeed of no very Fine Thread; and the 
Readers, who every where Fish for nothing but Carps, and who 
Love, like Augustus, to Tax all the V\^orld may find Fault 
enough with it. Nevertheless, while the Fault of an Untruth 
can't be found in it, the Author pretends that the famous 
History of the Trojan War it self comes behind our little His- 
tory of the Indian War; For the best Antiquaries have now 
confuted Homer; the Walls of Troy were, it seems, all made of 
Poets Paper; and the Siege of the Town, with the Tragedies 
of the Wooden Horse, were all but a piece of Poetry. 

And if a War between Us and an Handful of Indians do 
appear no more than a Batrachomyomachi^ to the World 
abroad, yet unto us at home it hath been considerable enough 
to make an History. Nor is the Author afraid of promising, 
that of all the Thirty Articles which make up this History, 
there shall not be One without something in it that may by 
our selves be justly thought Considerable. 

Should any Petit Monsieur complain, (as the Captain that 
found not himself in the Tapestry Hangings, which exhibited 
the story of the Spanish Invasion in 1588) that he don't find 
himself mentioned in this History, the Author has this Apology. 
He has done as well and as much as he could, that whatever 
was worthy of a mention, might have it; and if this Collection 
of Matters be not compleat, yet he supposes it may be more 
compleat than any one else hath made; and now he hath 
done, he hath not puU'd up the Ladder after him; others may 
go on as they please with a compleater Composure. 

If the Author had taken Delight, in this History, and at all 
Times, to Celebrate the Merits of such as have Deserved well 

^ The unknown. ^ The nameless. 

' " Battle of Frogs and Mice," a poem attributed to Homer. 


of his Country, (which he has here done, it may be, for some 
that never could afford him a good word!) Especially, if he 
do Erect Statues for Dead Worthies, when there is no Room 
Left for Flattery, (for who will bestow paint upon a Dead 
Face !) And if he do all this with all possible concern, to avoid 
casting Aspersions upon others: Why should any betray such 
111 Nature as to be angry at it? My Good Country, forgive 
him this Injury! 

Huic Uniforsan poteram Succumhere culpcB.^ 

But whatever this History be, it aims at the Doing of 
Good, as well as the Telling of Truth; and if its Aim shall be 
attained. That will be a sufficient Reward for all the Trouble 
of Writing it. When he Desires any more, he'll give you his 
Name; in the mean Time, as a far greater man once was called, 
Ludovicus Nihili, which you may make Lewis of Nothingham; 
so the Author will count himself not a little favoured, if he 
may pass for one of no more Account than a No-body; which 
would certainly make a very Blameless person of him. 

However, that the History may not altogether want a 
Subscription, the Author, finding it a Custome among the 
Christian Writers of the Orient, when they have written a 
Treatise, to Subscribe it after this manner: Scriptum per Servum 
vilem pauperem, omnibus Justitiis privatum, peccatorem magis 
quam omnis Caro; Or, Scripsit hoc pauper N. N. Or, Est 
Scriptura servi pauperis, et qui Benevolentia Dei indiget, et 
miserationihusf he will accordingly Subscribe himself. The 
Chief of Sinners. Nevertheless, he will humbly Lay claim 
to the Words used by the Nameless Author of a Treatise 
Entituled, The Faithful Steward', "Tho' I am worse than they 
speak of me, who cast Disgrace upon me, and I can Espy 
Ten Faults in my self, where they can discern One; yet I can, 
thro' Grace, Appeal to Thee, Lord, with some Comfort, 
that I am Displeased with my self for my Sins, and would 
fain please Thee in all Things, at all Times, in all places, and 
in every Condition." 

^ "Perhaps I may have incurred this one fault." 

" "Written by a poor mean slave lacking all righteousness, and a greater 
sinner than all other flesh," or, "Written by poor N. N.," or, "Written by a 
poor slave who needs the pity and loving kindness of God." 



Twenty Three Years have Rolled away since the Nations 
of Indians within the Confines of New England, generally 
began a fierce War upon the English Inhabitants of that 
Country. The Flame of War then Raged thro' a great part 
of the Country, whereby many whole Towns were Laid in 
Ashes, and many Lives were Sacrificed. But in little more 
than one years Time, the United Colonies of Plymouth, Massa- 
chusetts, and Connecticut, with their United Endeavours, 
bravely Conquered the Salvages. The Evident Hand of 
Heaven appearing on the Side of a people whose Hope and 
Help was alone in the Almighty Lord of Hosts, Extinguished 
whole Nations of the Salvages at such a rate, that there can 
hardly any of them now be found under any Distinction upon 
the face of the Earth. Onely the Fate of our Northern and 
Eastern Regions in that War was very different from that of 
the rest. The Desolations of the War had overwhelmed all 
the Settlements to the North-East of Wells.^ And when the 
Time arrived, that all hands were weary of the War, a sort of 
a Peace was patched up, which Left a Body of Indians, not 
only with Horrible Murders Unrevenged, but also in the pos- 
session of no little part of the Countrey, with circumstances 
which the English might think not very Honourable. Upon 
this Peace the English returned unto their Plantations; their 
Number increased; they Stock'd their Farms, and Sow'd 
their Fields; they found the Air as Healthful, as the Earth 
was Fruitful; their Lumber and their Fishery became a con- 
siderable Merchandize; continual Accessions were made unto 

^ In the western part of the coast of Maine. 


them, until Ten or a Dozen Towns in the Province of Main, 
and the County of Cornwall,^ were suddenly Started up into 
something of Observation. 

But in the Year 1688, the Indians which dwelt after the 
Indian manner among them. Commenced another War upon 
these Plantations which hath broke them up, and strangely 
held us in play for Ten Years together. In these Ten Years 
there hath been a variety of Remarkable Occurrences; and 
because I have supposed that a Relation of those Occurrences 
may be Acceptable and Profitable to some of my Country men, 
I shall now with aU Faithfulness Endeavour it. With all 
Faithfulness, I say; because tho' there should happen any 
Circumstantial Mistake in our Story, (for 'tis a rare thing for 
any Two men concern'd in the same Action, to give the Story 
of it without some Circumstantial Difference) yet even this 
also I shall be willing to Retract and Correct, if there be found 
any just occasion: But for any one Material Error in the 
whole Composure, I challenge the most Sagacious Malice 
upon Earth to detect it, while matters are yet so fresh as to 
allow the Detection of it. I disdain to make the Apology 
once made by the Roman Historian, Nemo Historicus non 
aliquid mentitus, et habiturus sum mendaciorum Comites, quos 
Historice et eloquentiw miramur Authores? No, I will write 
with an Irreproachable and Incontestable Veracity; and I 
will write not one Thing but what I am furnished with so 
good Authority for, that any Reasonable man, who will please 
to Examine it, shall say, I do well to insert it as I do: And I 
will hope that my reader hath not been Studying of Godefridus 
de Valle's book, De arte nihil Credendi; About The Art of 
Believing Nothing.^ Wherefore having at the very Begin- 
ning thus given such a Knock upon thy Head, Malice, that 
thou canst never with Reason Hiss at our History, we will 
proceed unto the several Articles of it. 

^ The region from the Kennebec to the St. Croix (eastern Maine), included 
in the patent of Charles II. to the Duke of York, his brother, had been erected by 
the latter into the county of Cornwall. 

'"There is no historian without some falsehood and I shall have for com- 
panions in mendacity writers whom all admire as models of historic truth and 

' Geoffroi Vallee, sieur de la Planchette, sceptical writer, executed at Paris 
in 1574. 


Article I. 
The Occasion and Beginning of the War. 

If Diodorus Siculus had never given it as a great Rule of 
History, Historian primum Studium, primariaq' consideratio 
esse videtur, insoliti gravisq^ Casus principio causas investigare,^ 
Yet my Reader would have expected that I should Begin the 
History of our War, with an History of the Occurrences and 
Occasions which did Begin the War. Now, Reader, I am at 
the very first fallen upon a Difficult Point; and I am in danger 
of pulling a War upon my self, by Endeavouring of thy Satis- 
faction. In Truth, I had rather be called a Coward, than 
undertake my self to Determine the Truth in this matter; 
but having Armed my self with some good Authority for it, 
I will Transcribe Two or Three Reports of the matter, now in 
my Hands, and Leave it unto thy own Determination. 

One Account I have now lying by me, Written by a Gentle- 
man of Dover,^ in these Terms. 

The Eastern Indians, and especially those of Saco and Ammo- 
noscoggin, pretend many Reasons for the late Quarrel against the 
English, which began this long and bloody War. 

1. Because the English refused to pay that yearly Tribute of 
Corn, agreed upon in the Articles of Peace formerly concluded with 
them by the English Commissioners. 

2. Because they were Invaded in their Fishery, at Saco River, 
by certain Gentlemen, who stop'd the Fish from coming up the River 
with their Nets and Sains. This they were greatly Affronted at, 
saying, They thought (though the English had got away their Lands 
as they had, yet) the Fishery of the Rivers had been a priviledge Re- 
served Entire unto themselves. 

3. Because they were Abused by the English, in Suffering, if 
not Turning, their Cattel over to a certain Island to destroy their 

4. But the Fourth and Main provocation was. The Granting or 
Pattenting of their Lands to some English; at which they were greatly 

1 "The first object and primary consideration of history seems to be the 
investigation of the original causes of great and unusual happenings." 
* Rev. John Pike. 


Enraged, threatning the Surveyor to knock him on the Head if he 
came to lay out any Lands there. 

5. To these may be added the Common Abuses in Trading, viz. 
Drunkenness, Cheating, etc. which such as Trade much with them 
are seldom Innocent of. 

Doubtless these Indian Allegations may be answered with 
many English Vindications. But I shall at present Inter- 
meddle no further than to offer another Account, which also 
I have in my Hands, written by a Gentleman of Casco.^ It 
runs in such terms as these. 

Many were the Outrages and Insultings of the Indians upon the 
English, while Sir E. A.^ was Governour. At North-Yarmouth, 
and other places at the Eastward, the Indians killed sundry Cattel, 
came into Houses, and threatned to knock the people on the Head; 
and at several Times gave out Reports that they would make a War 
upon the English, and that they were animated to do so by the 
French. The Indians behaving themselves so insultingly, gave just 
occasion of great suspicion. In order for the finding out the Truth, 
and to Endeavour the preventing of a War, Capt. Blackman,' 
Justice of Peace, with some of the Neighbourhood of Saco River, 
Seized several Indians that had been bloody murderous Rogues in 
the first Indian War, being the chief Ring-Leaders, and most capable 
to do mischief. The said Capt. Blackman Seized to the Number of 
between Sixteen and Twenty, in order for their Examination, and to 
bring in the rest to a Treaty. The said Blackman soon sent the said 
Indians with a Good Guard to Falmouth* in Casco-bay, there to 
be Secured, until orders could come from Boston concerning them. 
And in the mean Time the said Indians were well provided with Pro- 
visions and Suitable Necessaries. The rest of the Indians Robb'd 
the English, and took some English Prisoners: Whereupon Post was 
sent to Boston. Sir Edmond Andross being at New- York, the 
Gentlemen of Boston sent to Falmouth some Souldiers for the De- 
fence of the Country, and also the Worshipful Mr. Stoughton,^ 
with others, to Treat with the Indians in order for the Settling of a 
Peace, and getting in of our English Captives. As soon as the said 
Gentlemen arrived to the East-ward, they sent away one of the 
Indian Prisoners to the rest of the Indians, to Summon them to bring 

* Rev. Shubael Dummer, of York, Maine. 

' Sir EdmuBd Andros. North Yarmouth is in Maine. 

3 Benjamin Blackman. * Near and in Portland, Maine. 

^ William Stoughton, lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts. 


in the English they had taken; Also that their Sachims should come 
in to treat with the English, in order that a Just Satisfaction should 
be made on both sides. The Gentlemen waited the Return of the 
Indian Messenger; and when he Returned he brought Answer, That 
they would meet our English at a place called Macquoit,i and there 
they would bring in the English Captives, and Treat with the English. 
And although the place appointed by the Indians for the Meeting 
was some Leagues distant from Falmouth, yet our English Gentlemen 
did condescend to it, in hope of getting in our Captives, and putting 
a stop to further Trouble. They Dispatch'd away to the place, and 
carried the Indian Prisoners with them, and staid at the place ap- 
pointed, expecting the coming of the Indians that had promised a 
Meeting. But they, like false perfidious Rogues, did not appear. 
Without doubt they had been counselled what to do by the French 
and their Abettors, as the Indians did declare afterwards; and that 
they were near the place, and saw our English that were to Treat 
with them, but would not shew themselves; but did Endeavour to 
take an Opportunity to Destroy our English that were to Treat [with] 
them. Such was their Treachery! Our Gentlemen staid days to 
wait their coming; but seeing they did not appear at the place ap- 
pointed, they Returned to Falmouth, and brought the Indian Pris- 
oners, expecting that the other Indians would have sent down some 
Reason why they did not appear at the place appointed, and to make 
some excuse for themselves. But instead of any compliance, they 
fell upon North Yarmouth, and there kill'd several of our English. 
Whereupon the Eastern parts were ordered to get into Garrisons, and 
to be upon their Guard until further Orders from Sir Edmond Andros; 
and that the Indian Prisoners should be sent to Boston, which was 
done with great care, and not one of them hurt; and care taken daily 
for provision. But Sir E. A. Returning from New- York, set them all 
at Liberty; not so much as taking care to Redeem those of our Eng- 
lish for them, that were in their hands. I had kept one at Falmouth 
a Prisoner, to be a Guide into the Woods for our English, to find out 
the Haunts of our Heathen Enemies. But Sir E. A. sent an Express 
to me, that upon my utmost peril I should set the said Indian at 
Liberty, and take care that all the Arms that were taken from him, 
and all the rest of those Capt. Blackman had seized, should be de- 
livered up to them, without any Orders to Receive the like of ours 
from them. 

It will be readily Acknowledged, that here was enough done 
to render the Indians Inexcusable for not coming in upon the 

* In Freeport, Maine. 


Proclamation, which Sir Edmond Andros, then Governour 
of New-England, immediately Emitted thereupon, requiring 
them to Surrender the Murderers now among them. A Span- 
iard, that was a Souldier, would say. That if we have a good 
Cause, the smell of Gunpowder in the Field is as sweet as the 
Incense at the Altar. Let the Reader judge after these things, 
what scent there was in the Gunpowder spent for Nine or Ten 
years together in our War with the Indian Salvages. 

Now that while we are upon this Head, we may at once dis- 
patch it; I will unto these two Accounts add certain passages 
of one more, which was published in September, 1689. 

Such were the Obscure Measures taken at that Time of Day, 
that the Rise of this War hath been as dark as that of the River Nilus; 
only the Generality of Thinking People through the Country can 
Remember When and Where every one did foretel A War. If any 
Wild English (for there are such as well as of another nation) did then 
Begin to Provoke and Affront the Indians, yet those Indians had a 
fairer way to come by Right than that of Bloodshed, nothing worthy 
of, or calling for, any Such Revenge was done unto them. The most 
Injured of them all, (if there were any Such) were afterwards dis- 
missed by the English with Favours, that were then Admirable even 
to Our selves; and These too, instead of Surrendring the Persons, did 
increase the Numbers of the Murderers. But upon the Revolution 
of the Government (April, 1689.) the State of the War became wholly 
New: and we are more arrived unto Righteousness as the Light, and 
Justice as the Noon day. A great Sachem of the East we then im- 
mediately Applied our selves unto, and with no small Expences to 
our selves, we Engaged Him to Employ his Interest for a Good 
Understanding between us, and the party of Indians then in Hostility 
against us. This was the Likely, the Only way of coming at those 
Wandring Salvages: But That very Sachem now treacherously of an 
Embassador became a Traitor, and annexed himself with his People 
to the Heard of our Enemies, which have since been Ravaging, Pil- 
laging and Murdering, at a rate which we ought to count Intolerable. 
The Penacook Indians,^ of whom we were Jealous, we likewise 
Treated with; and while we were by our Kindnesses and Courtesies 
Endeavouring to render them utterly Inexcusable, if ever they 

* The Peimacook Indians were a part of the Abenakis, a term covering 
practically all the Indians from the Kennebec to the St. John Rivers. The Penna- 
cooks occupied a region on the Merrimac River, the present region of Concord 
and Manchester, New Hampshire. 


sought our Harm; Even Then, did Those also by some Evil Instiga- 
tion, (the Devils, no doubt !) quickly Surprize a Plantation where they 
had been Civilly treated a Day or Two before, and Commit at once 
more Plunder and Murder than can be heard with patience.^ 

Reader, Having so placed these Three Accounts as to de- 
fend my Teeth, I think I may safely proceed with our Story. 
But because Tacitus teaches us to distinguish between the meer 
Occasions and the real Causes of a War, it may be some will 
go a little Higher up in their Enquiries: They will Enquire 
whether no body seized a parcel of Wines that were Landed 
at a French Plantation to the East ward? Whether an Order 
were not obtained from the King of England, at the Instance 
of the French Embassador, to Restore these Wines? Whether 
upon the Vexation of this Order, we none of us ran a New Line 
for the Bounds of the Province? Whether we did not contrive 
our New Line so as to take in the Country of Monsieur St. 
Casteen? Whether Monsieur St. Casteen, flying from our 
Encroachments, we did not seize upon his Arms and Goods, 
and bring them away to Pemmaquid? And Who were the We 
which did these things? And whether the Indians, who were 
Extremely under the Influence of St. Casteen, that had Mar- 
ried a Sagamore's Daughter among them, did not from this 
very Moment begin to be obstreperous? And whether all the 
Sober English in the Country did not from this very Moment 
foretel a War? But for any Answer to all these Enquiries I 
will be my self a Tacitus.^ 

Article II. 

The first Acts of Hostility between the Indians and the English. 

When one Capt. Sargeant' had Seized some of the prin- 
cipal Indians about Saco by order of Justice Blackman, pres- 

1 From Mather's own sermon, Souldiers Counselled and Comforted (Bos- 
ton, 1689), pp. 29-31. 

2 1, e., "I will be silent." Jean Vincent de I'Abadie, baron de St. Castin, was 
a Frenchman, who had established himself among the Indians, on the east side 
of the Penobscot near its mouth, at the place now called Castine, Maine. Re- 
mains of his fort can still be seen there. Andros dispossessed him in the spring 
of 1688. 

2 Peter Sargent. 


ently the Indians fell to Seizing as many of the English, as 
they could catch. Capt. Rowden, with many more, in one 
place, and Capt. Gendal,^ with sundry more, in another place, 
particularly fell into the Hands of these desperate Man- 
catchers. Rowden, with many of his Folks, never got out of 
their Cruel Hands; but Gendal, with his, got a Release, one 
can scarce tell. How, upon the Return of those which had been 
detained in Boston. Hitherto there was no Spilling of Blood! 
But some Time in September following, this Capt. Gendal 
went up, with Soldiers and others, to a place above Casco, 
called North Yarmouth, having Orders to build Stockados on 
both sides the River, for Defence of the place, in case of any 
Sudden Invasion. While they were at work, an English Cap- 
tive came to 'em with Information, that Seventy or Eighty of 
the Enemy were just coming upon 'em; and he advised 'em. 
To yield quietly, that they might Save their Lives. The Sol- 
diers that went thither from the Southward being terrifyed at 
this Report, Ran with an Hasty Terror to get over the River; 
but with more Hast than good speed; for they ran directly 
into the Hands of the Indians. The Indians dragging along 
these their Prisoners with 'em, came up towards the Casconians; 
who, having but a very Little Time to Consult, yet in this 
Time Resolved; First, That they would not be Siezed by the 
Salvages: Next, That they would free their Friends out of the 
Hands of the Salvages, if it were possible; Thirdly, That if it 
were possible they would use all other Force upon the Salvages, 
without coming to down right Fight. Accordingly They laid 
hold on their Neighbours, whom the Salvages had Siezed, and 
this with so much Dexterity that they cleared them all. Except 
one or Two; whereof the whole Number was about a Dozen. 
But in the Scuffle one Sturdy and Surly Indian held his prey 
so fast, that one Benedict Pulcifer gave the Mastiff a Blow 
with the Edge of his Broad Ax upon the Shoulder, upon which 
they fell to't with a Vengeance, and Fired their Guns on both 
sides, till some on both sides were Slain. These were, as one 
may call them, the Scower-pit of a long War to follow. At 
last, the EngHsh Victoriously chased away the Salvages, and 
Returned safely unto the other side of the River. And Thus 
was the Vein of New-England first opened, that afterwards 

1 Walter Gendell. 


Bled for Ten years together! ^ The Skirmish being over, 
Captain Gendal in the Evening passed over the River in a 
Canoo, with none but a Servant ; but Landing where the Enemy- 
lay hid in the Bushes, they were both Slain immediately. And 
the same Evening, one Ryal,^ with another man, fell unawares 
into the Hands of the Enemy; Ryal was afterwards Ransomed 
by Monsieur St. Casteen, but the other man, was barbarously 
Butchered. Soon after this, the Enemy went Eastward unto 
a place call'd Merry-Meeting, (from the Concourse of divers 
Rivers there)^ where several English had a Sad-Meeting with 
them; for they were killed several of them even in Cold Blood, 
after the Indians had Seized upon their Houses and their 
Persons. And about this Time, the Town call'd Sheepscote 
was entered by these Rapacious Wolves, who burnt aU the 
Houses of the Town, save Two or Three. The People saved 
themselves by getting into the Fort, aU but one Man, who 
going out of the Fort, for to Treat with 'em, was Treacherously 
Assassinated. Thus the place, which was counted. The Garden 
of the East, was infested by Serpents; and a Sword Expell'd 
the poor Inhabitants. Little more Spoil was done by the 
Salvages before Winter, Except only, that a place called Kenne- 
bunk, near Winter-harbour, they cut off Two Families, to wit, 
Barrows, and Bussies; but Winter coming on, the Serpents 
retired into their Holes. When Summer comes. Reader, look 
for Tornadoes enough to overset a greater Vessel, than little 

Aeticle III. 

The First Expedition of the English against the Indians. 

When the Keeper of the Wild Beasts, at Florence, has 
entertain'd the Spectators with their Encounters on the Stage, 

1 Other writers date this attack on North Yarmouth in July, 1688, and as 
Mather refers to the attack upon Sheepscot a little later as occurring on Sep- 
tember 5 the date given here is probably too late. 

' John Royall or Royal. 

s Merrymeeting Bay is in the Kennebec River, where the Androscoggin flows 
into it, just above Bath. The Sheepscot Falls settlement was at the head of 
tidewater on the Sheepscot River, a few miles above Wiscasset. Winter Harbor 
was Saco. 


he has this Device to make 'em Retire into the several Dens 
of their Seraglio. He has a fearful Machin of Wood, made like 
a Great Green Dragon, which a man within it rouls upon 
Wheels, and holding out a Couple of Lighted Torches at the 
Eyes of it, frights the fiercest Beast of them all into the Cell 
that belongs unto him. Sir Edmond Andros, the Governour 
of New-England, that he might Express his Resolutions, to 
force the Wild Beasts of the East into order, in the Winter 
now coming on, turned upon them as Effectual a Machin as 
the Green Dragon of Florence; that is to say. An Army of 
near a Thousand men.^ With this Army he marched him- 
self in Person into the Caucasaean Regions, where he built a 
Fort at Pemmaquid, and another Fort at Pechypscot Falls, 
besides the Fort at Sheepscote. He, and his Army underwent 
no httle Hardship, thus in the Depth of Winter to Expose 
themselves unto the Circumstances of a Campaign, in all the 
Bleak Winds and Thick Snows of that Northern Country. 
But it was Hop'd That Good Forts being thus Garrison'd with 
Stout Hearts in several Convenient places, the Indians might 
be kept from their usual Retreats, both for Planting and for 
Fishing, and lye open also to perpetual Incursions from the 
English, in the fittest seasons thereof: and it was Thought by 
the most sensible, this method would in a little while compel 
the Enemy to Submit unto any Terms: albeit others consider- 
ing the Vast Woods of the WHdemess, and the French on the 
back of these Woods, fancied that this was but a project to 
Hedge in the Cuckow. However, partly the Army, and partly 
the Winter, frighted the salvages into their Inaccessible Dens: 
and yet not one of the Indians was killed; but Sickness and 
Service kill'd it may be more of our English, than there were 
Indians then in Hostility against them. The News of matters 
approaching towards a Revolution in England, caused the 
Governor to Return unto Boston in the Spring,^ and upon his 
Return, there fell out several odd Events, with Rumours, 
whereof I have now nothing to say, but, that I love my eyes 

* Andros set out in November, 1688. Other estimates place the number of 
the army at 700. His fort at Pemaquid was a mere stockade, which Phips in 
1692 replaced by an extensive stone fort, still largely remaining. Pechypscot 
(Pejebscot) is now Brunswick, Maine, 

^ He returned to Boston toward the end of March. 


too well, to mention them.^ Some of the Soldiers took Ad- 
vantage from the Absence of the Governor to desert their 
Stations in the Army; and tho' this Action was by Good men 
generally condemned, as an Evil Action, yet their Friends 
began to gather together here and there in Little Bodies to 
protect them from the Governor, concerning whom, abmidance 
of odd Stories then buzz'd about the Country, made 'em to 
imagine, that he had carried 'em out only to Sacrifice 'em. 
Some of the principal Gentlemen in Boston, consulting what 
was to be done, in this Extraordinary Juncture, They Agreed, 
that altho' New-England had as much to Justifie a Revolution 
as old, yet they would, if it were possible, extinguish all Essays 
in the people, towards an Insurrection; in daily hopes of 
Orders from England for our Safety: but that if the Country 
people, by any unrestrainable Violences pushed the business 
on so far, as to make a Revolution unavoidable. Then to pre- 
vent the Shedding of Blood by an ungoverned Mobile, some 
of the Gentlemen present, should appear at the Head of it, 
with a Declaration 2 accordingly prepared. He that Reads 
the Narrative of Grievances under the Male Administrations 
of the Government then Tyranizing, Written and Signed by 
the Chief Gentlemen of the Governour's Council, will not 
wonder at it, that a Revolution was now rendered indeed un- 
avoidable. It was a Government whereof Ned Randolph, a 
Bird of their own Feather, confess'd as we find in one of his 
published Letters, That they were as Arbitrary as the Great 
Turk. And for such a Government a better Similitude cannot 
perhaps be thought on, than that of Mons. Souligne; 'Tis like 
the Condition of persons possessed with Evil Spirits, which 
will go an Hundred Leagues in less time than others can Ten; 
but at the Journeys End find themselves to be so Bruised that 
they never can Recover it. The Revolution (and ye Tories, 
a Just one) was accordingly Made on the Eighteenth of April, 
which their Majesties, then happily Seated on the British 
Throne, kindly Accepted and Approved. The Governor and 

* There was a rumor that in ease of an uprising in favor of William and 
Mary, Andros had been instructed to turn New England over to the French. 

2 This "declaration," issued in April, 1689, is generally considered to have 
been prepared by Cotton Mather himself and probably some time before this 
date. In the revolution which followed, Andros was deposed. 


Magistrates of the Massachusets-Colony, which were in power 
Three years and Half before, (a period often observed!) did 
some Time after this Resume their places, and apply them- 
selves to such Acts of Government, as Emergencies made neces- 
sary for them. Fortified with a Letter from the King to Au- 
thorize and Empower them in their Administrations. Thus 
they waited for further Directions from the Authority of Eng- 
land, and such a Settlement as would most Conduce (which 
were the words of the King's Letter, bearing Date Aug. 12, 
1689.) to the Security and Satisfaction of the Subjects in that 

Article IV. 

A Flame Spreading, upon the best Endeavours to Quench it. 

It was hop'd the War would now come to an Immediate 
End; but the Great God who Creates that Evil, had further 
Intentions to Chastise a Sinful People, by those who are not 
a People. The Government sent Capt. Greenleaf,^ to treat 
with the Indians at Penacook,^ who answered him with fair 
pretences and Promises of Amity. They procured an Inter- 
view, with some of the more Eastern Sagamores, who not only 
promised Friendship themselves, but also undertook to make 
our Enemies become our Friends. They sent unto the Sol- 
diers, yet remaining at Pammaquid for to keep their Post, 
Engaging to them that they should not want their Pay. But 
all this care, was defeated by Methods of Mischiefs too deep 
for our present penetration. The Salvages began to Renew 
their Hostilities at Saco Falls, in the Beginning of April, on a 
Lord's day morning, some while before the Revolution. The 
Penacook Indians were all this while peaceably Conversant 
at Quochecho; and so long as that Conversation continued, 
the Inhabitants were very Secure of any Danger, not only 
from those Cut-throats, but also from their Brethren. Happy 
had it been for those Honest People, if their Fear had made so 
much Haste as my Pen has done, to call 'em Cut-throats I 

1 Probably Enoch Greenleaf. 

2 Pennacook was at Rumford or Concord, New Hampshire. 


For the Penacookian joining with the Saconian Indians, hov- 
ered about Quochecho/ where one Mesandowit, a Sagamore, 
being that Night kindly Entertained by Major Richard Wal- 
dein, horribly betray'd his kind Host, with the Neighbours, 
into the hands of Murderers. Above an Hundred, some say 
Five Hundred of the Indians, about break of Day having Sur- 
prized the Secure and Silent English, they particularly rushed 
into the Garrison of the Generous Major, which was by Simon 
Mesandowit (for bestowing a Heathen Name upon him, we 
now call him so,) opened for them, and having first barbarously 
Murthered the Old Gentleman, who was Equivalent unto 
Two and Twenty, then they Murdered Two and Twenty 
more, and Captived Nine and Twenty of the People; burn't 
four or five of the best Houses, took much Plunder, and so 
drew off; but kill'd Mr. John Broughton in their drawing off: 
while Mr. John Emmerson, a worthy Preacher at Berwick, 
by declining to lodge at the hospitable Major's that Night, 
when strongly Invited, received a remarkable Deliverance. 
Hereupon Forces were dispatch'd for the Relief of what Re- 
mained in Quochecho; Capt. Noyes also with more Forces, 
visited Penacook, where though the Men escaped him, he 
destroy'd the Corn of our New Enemies: but the Sculking 
Enemies at the same Time Slew several Persons at an out-farm 
on the North-side of Merrimack-River. A party of men were 
soon after sent out of Piscataqua, under the Command of 
Capt. Wincal, who went up to Winnopisseag ponds,^ (upon 
Advice of one John Church, who ran from them, that the 
Indians were there) where they kill'd One or Two of the Mon- 
sters they Hunted for, and cut down their Corn. Four young 
men of Saco, desirous to join with them, went into the woods 
to Seek their Horses, and Found their Deaths by an Ambush 
of Indians. Twenty-four Armed men, going forth from Saco 
falls, to bury the Slain, had a brisk Encounter with the Indians, 
whom they pursued into a Vast Swamp, until a Greater Num- 
ber of Indians pouring in upon them, obliged 'em, with the 
loss of about Five or Six more, to retire from any further Action. 

'■ Dover, New Hampshire. Waldein is a misprint for Waldern (Waldron). 
Major Richard Waldron had for years been the principal man of the Cocheco 
district, and had been chief justice of New Hampshire and acting president. 

2 John Wincol or Winkle of Portsmouth; Lake Winnepiseogee. 


But before the Dogs-dayes were out, there was more Bleeding 
still; that prov'd fatal to us. On Aug. 2 One Starky, going 
early in the Morning from the Fort at Pemmaquid unto New 
Harbour, fell into the Hands of the Indians, who to obtain 
his own Liberty informed Them, That the Fort had at that 
Instant but Few men in it : and that one Mr. Giles, with Four- 
teen men, was gone up to his Farm, and the rest Scattered 
abroad about their Occasions. The Indians hereupon divided 
their Army; Part going up to the Falls, kill'd Mr. Giles,^ and 
others; Part, upon the Advantage of the Tide, Snapt the 
rest, before they could Recover the Fort. From a Rock near 
the Fort, which inconveniently overlook'd it, the Assailants 
now overlook'd it, as over Lincoln, and grievously galled the 
Defendants. Capt. Weems had but few with him, that were 
able to Fight; and his own face was in the Fight, by an Acci- 
dent, horribly Scorched with Gun Powder. Wherefore, the 
day following, they Surrendered the Fort, upon Capitulations 
for Life and Liberty; which yet the Indians broke, by Butcher- 
ing and Captiving many of them. Capt. Skyimer and Capt. 
Farnham, repairing to the Fort, from an Island about half a 
Mile distant from it, were both Slain as they Landed on the 
Rocks; and Mr. Patishal,^ as he lay with his Sloop in the 
Barbican, was also taken and Slain. This, together with more 
Spoil done by the Indians on the English, at Sheepscote, and 
Kennebeck, and other places East-ward, caused the inhabitants 
to draw off unto Falmouth as fast as they could : and, Well if 
they could have made Good their Standing there! 


The Foregoing Article of our Tragedies hath Related the 
Taking of Quochecho ! The Condition of Two persons, under 
and after the Fate of Quochecho, may have in it, an Entertain- 

1 Thomas Gyles, chief justice of the county of Cornwall under the govern- 
ment of the Duke of York. His son John, carried away captive at this time, 
and afterward for many years Indian interpreter to the Massachusetts govern- 
ment, was author of one of the most famous narratives of Indian captivity. 
Memoirs of the Odd Adventures, etc. (Boston, 1736). 

2 Richard Pattishall, a sea-captain of Boston, who figures in the Journal 
of Jasper Danckaerts, in this series. 


ment Acceptable for some sort of Readers. It shall be in this 
place Reported, from the Communications of Mr. John Pike, 
the worthy Minister of Dover, to whom I have been beholden, 
for Communicating to me many other passages also, which 
occur in this our History. 

I. Mrs. Elizabeth Heard, a Widow of a Good Estate, a 
Mother of many Children, and a Daughter of Mr. Hull, a 
Reverend Minister formerly Living at Piscataqua, now lived 
at Quochecho. Happening to be at Portsmouth, on the Day 
before Quochecho was cut off. She Returned thither in the 
Night, with one Daughter and Three Sons, all masters of 
Families. When they came near Quochecho, they were aston- 
ished, with a prodigious Noise of Indians, Howling, Shooting, 
Shouting, and Roaring, according to their manner in making 
an Assault. Their Distress for their Families carried them 
still further up the River, till they Secretly and Silently passed 
by some Numbers of the Raging Salvages. They Landed 
about an Hundred Rods from Major Waldern's Garrison; and 
running up the Hill, they saw many Lights in the Windows of 
the Garrison, which they concluded the English within had 
set up, for the Direction of those who might seek Refuge there. 
Coming to the Gate, they desired entrance; which not being 
readily granted, they called Earnestly, and bounced, and 
knocked, and cried out of their unkindiiess within, that they 
would not open to them in this Extremity. No Answer being 
yet made, they began to doubt, whether all was well; and one 
of the young men then climbing up the wall, saw a horrible 
Tawny in the Entry, with a Gun in his Hand. A grievous 
Consternation Seiz'd now upon them; and Mrs. Heard sitting 
down without the Gate, through Despair and Faintness, un- 
able to Stir any further, charg'd her Children to Shift for them- 
selves, for She must unavoidably There End her Days. They 
finding it impossible to carry her with them, with heavy hearts 
forsook her; but then coming better to herself, she fled and 
hid among the Barberry-bushes in the Garden: and then 
hastning from thence, because the Day-Light advanced, She 
sheltered herself (though seen by Two of the Indians) in a 
Thicket of other Bushes, about Thirty Rods from the House. 
Here she had not been long, before an Indian came towards 
her, with a Pistol in his Hand: the Fellow came up to her, 


and Stared her in the Face, but said nothing to her, nor she to 
him. He went a Httle way back, and came again, and Stared 
upon her as before, but said nothing; whereupon she asked 
him, what he would have? He stUl said nothing, but went 
away to the House Co-hooping, and Returned unto her no 
more. Being thus unaccountably preserved. She made sev- 
eral Essays to pass the River; but found herself unable to do 
it; and finding all places on that side the River fill'd with 
Blood, and Fire, and hideous Outcries, thereupon she Return'd 
to her old bush, and there poured out her ardent Prayers to 
God for help in this Distress. She continued in the Bush, 
untn the Garrison was Burnt, and the Enemy was gone; and 
then she Stole along by the River side, until she came to a 
Boom, where she passed over. Many sad Effects of Cruelty 
she Saw left by the Indians in her way; until arriving at Cap- 
tain Gerish's Garrison, she there found a Refuge from the 
Storm; and here she soon had the Satisfaction to understand, 
that her own Garrison, though one of the first that was as- 
saulted, had been bravely Defended and maintained against 
the Adversary. This Gentlewoman's Garrison was the most 
Extream Frontier of the Province, and more Obnoxious than 
any other, and more uncapable of Relief; nevertheless, by her 
presence and courage, it held out all the War, even for Ten 
Years together; and the Persons in it have Enjoy'd very 
Eminent preservations. The Garrison had been deserted, if 
She had accepted Offers that were made her by her Friends, of 
Living in more safety at Portsmouth; which would have been 
a Damage to the Town and Land : but by her Encouragement 
this Post was thus kept : and She is yet Living in much Esteem 
among her Neighbours.^ 

11. Mrs. Sarah Gerish, Daughter to Captain John Gerish 
of Quochecho, a very Beautiful and Ingenious Damsel, about 
Seven years of Age, lodg'd at the Garrison of her affectionate 
Grandfather, Major Waldern, when the Indians brought an 
horrible Destruction upon it. She was always very Fearful 
of the Indians; but what Fear may we think now Surprised 
her, when they fiercely bid her go into such a Chamber and 
call the People out? Finding only a little Child in the Cham- 

^ Her daughter was recovered from captivity when, in September, 1690, 
Major Benjamin Church captiured the Indian fort at Lewiston Falls. 


ber, she got into the Bed unto the Child, and hid herself in 
the Cloaths as well as she could. The Fell-Salvages quickly 
pull'd her out, and made her Dress for a March, but led her 
away with no more than one Stockin upon her, a terrible 
March through the Thick Woods, and a thousand other Mis- 
eries, till they came to the Norway-Plains. From thence they 
made her go to the end of Winnopisseag Lake, and from thence 
to the Eastward, through horrid Swamps, where sometimes 
they must Scramble over huge Trees fallen by Storm or Age 
for a vast way together, and sometimes they must Climb up 
long, steep, tiresome, and almost Inaccessible Mountains. 
Her First Master was one Sebundowit, a Dull sort of a Fellow, 
and not such a Devil as many of 'em were; but he Sold her, 
to a Fellow that was a more harsh, and mad, sort of a Dragon, 
and he carried her away to Canada. 

A long and a sad Journey she had of it, thro' the midst of 
&0. hideous Desart, in the midst of a dreadful Winter: And 
who can enumerate the Frights, that she endured, before the 
End of her Journey? Once her Master commanded her to 
loosen some of her upper-Garments, and stand against a Tree 
while he charged his Gun; whereas the poor Child Shrieked 
out. He's going to kill me! God knows what he was going to 
do; but the Villain having charged his Gun, he call'd her from 
the Tree, and forbore doing her any Damage. Another time, 
her Master ordered her to run along the Shore with some 
Indian Girls, while he paddled up the River in his canoo. As 
they were upon a precipice, a Tawny Wench violently push'd 
her Headlong into the River: but it so fell out, that in that 
very place, the Bushes hung over the Water; so that getting 
Hold of them she Recovered herself. The Indians ask'd her 
How she became so wet? but she durst not say, how, through 
Dread of the young Indians, who were always very Abusive 
to her, when they had her alone. Moreover, once being spent 
with Travelling all Day, and lying down Spent and Wet at 
Night, she fell into so profound a Sleep, that in the Morning 
she waked not. The Barbarous Indians left her Asleep, and 
covered with Snow; but at length waking, what Agonies may 
you imagine she was in, to find herself left a prey for Bears 
and Wolves, and without any Sustenance, in an howling Wilder- 
ness many Scores of Leagues from any Plantation? She Ran 


crying after them; and Providence having ordered a Snow to 
fall, by means whereof, she Track'd them until she overtook 
them. Now the young Indians began to Terrific her, with 
daily Intimations, that she was quickly to be Roasted unto 
Death; and one Evening much Fuel was prepared, between 
Two Logs, which they told her, was for her. A mighty fire 
being made, her Master call'd her to him, and told her, that 
she should presently be Burnt alive. At first, she stood 
Amazed; afterwards she burst into Tears; and then she hung 
about the Tygre, and begg'd of hitn, with an inexpressible 
Anguish, that he would Save her from the Fire. Hereupon 
the Monster so Relented, as to tell her, That if she would be a 
Good Girl she should not be Burnt. 

At last, they arrived at Canada, and she was carried unto 
the Lord Intendant's House, where many Persons of quality 
took much notice of her. It was a Week after this that she 
remained in the Indian Hands, before the price of her Ransom 
could be agreed on. But then the Lady Intendant sent her 
to the Nunnery, where she was comfortably provided for; and 
it was the Design, as was said, for to have brought her up in 
the Romish Religion, and then have Married her unto the 
Son of the Lord Intendant.^ She was kindly used there, 
until Sir William Phips, lying before Quebeck, did, upon Ex- 
change of Prisoners, obtain her Liberty. After Sixteen Months 
Captivity, she was Restored unto her Friends; who had the 
Consolation of having this their Desireable Daughter again 
with them. Returned from the Dead; But coming to be Six- 
teen years old, in the Month of July 1697, Death by a Malig- 
nant Feavor, more Irrecoverably took her from them. 

Akticle V. 

New Forces Raised, and New Actions done. 

On Aug. 28, 1689, Major Swayn, with Seven or Eight Com- 
panies, raised by the Massachuset-Colony, marched Eastward; 

^ It was Madame de Champigny, wife of the intendant of Quebec, who 
placed Sarah in the Hotel Dieu. Phips's expedition against Quebec in August, 
1690, the history of which can be followed in Parkman's Frontenac, had little 
other result than this exchange of prisoners. 


and soon after, Major Church/ with a party of Enghsh and 
Christian-Indians, raised in Plymouth-Colony, followed them. 
While these were on their March, the Indians, that lay Sculk- 
ing after the Indian-fashion in the Thick Woods, took notice 
how many men belong'd unto Lieut. Huckin's Garrison i^ 
And seeing 'em all go out unto their daily work, nimbly ran 
so between them and the Garrison, as to kill 'em all (about 
Eighteen) but one, who being accidentally gone over the 
River, escaped them. They then Attacqued the Garrison, in 
which there now were only Two Boys, (and one of them Lame) 
with some Women and Children; but these Two Boys very 
Manfully held 'em in play a Considerable while, and wounded 
several of them, and kept 'em off, till the assailants had found 
a way to set the House on a Light Fire over their Heads. 
They then urging 'em to Surrender, for the sake of the Goods, 
the Boys (Brave Boys, truly!) would not, until they had 
Solemnly promised 'em their Lives: But the perfidious 
Wretches broke their promise, for they persently kill'd Three 
or Four of the Children: However one of these Minutius's, 
the Day after, very happily got out of their Clutches. It was 
by a particular Accident, that these Indians were delivered 
from falling into the Hands of Captain Garner, who pursued 
'em Vigourously. But while the Forces now gone into the 
East, were settling of Garrisons in convenient places, a huge 
Body of Indians fell upon Casco,^ where one of their first 
Exploits was their killing of Capt. Bracket. Nevertheless, 
Captain Hall, (a valiant Souldier in the Former War, and a 
valiant Commander in This) with his Vigorous Lieutenant 
Dawes, just then arriving with his Company, the English 
hotly Engaged them for several Hours; and after a deal of 
true English Valour discovered in this Engagement, and the 
loss of Ten or a Dozen men, the Indians Ran for it, with What 
loss on their part, we do not know: That with some we Do. 
Presently after this. Major Swayn passing through Extream 

1 Major Jeremiah Swain and Major Benjamin Church. The latter's account 
of his expedition may be found in his Entertaining Passages, pp. 55-65. 

2 In present Durham, New Hampshire. 

'Near Falmouth and the present Portland. Captain Anthony Brackett 
of Back Cove; Captain Nathaniel Hall of Yarmouth; Lieutenant Sylvanus Davis 
of Falmouth. Blue Point was in Scarborough. 


Difficulties to get at it, gave some Relief to a Garrison at Blue 
point; which was beset by the Indians, who still Fled into their 
Inaccessible Swamps, when our Bullets began to be Hail'd 
upon them. It was judg'd, That here one or Two Opportuni- 
ties of bringing the War unto an End were strangely mist, and 
lost: But where the mismanagement lay I cannot Remember; 
nor what were the Faux Pas of the Actors. Our Honest Major 
will clear himself, who Returning then to his Head Quarters 
at Berwick, sent abroad Scouts, to Learn, if it were possible, 
where they might have the best Game at the Chasse a La Bete 
noire,^ then to be followed. Capt. WisweP having with him 
a party of Indian Auxiliaries, they were sent out, under the 
Conduct of Lieut. Flag: But coming to Winnopisseag, these 
Indians had a Consult in their own Language, and Sending 
back their Lieutenant, with two Indians, Nineteen of them 
Staid in that Country Eleven Days, not having any English 
with them : At which the Major was justly and greatly offended. 
It was then Suspected, and afterwards (by escap'd Captives) 
Asserted, that these Wretches found the Enemy, and Lodg'd 
with 'em Two Nights, and told 'em what they knew of the 
Enghsh Numbers and Motions. The Enemy then Retired 
into the howling Desarts where there was no Coming at them : 
And no endeavours being able to reach them, the Army in the 
Month of November following was Dismissed: Only some 
Soldiers were left in Garrison at Wells, at York, at Berwick, 
and at Quechecho, for the Assistance of the poor Inhabitants 
against any more Invasions. There has been little Doubt 
that our Northern Indians are Originally Scythians; and it is 
become less a Doubt, since it appears from later Discoveries, 
That the pretended Straits of Anian^ are a Sham; for Asia 
and America, it seems, are there Contiguous. Now of these 
our Scythians in America, we have still found what Julius 
Caesar does report concerning Them of Asia: 

Difficilius Invenire quam Interficere: 
It is harder to Find them than to Foil them. 

^ This "Hunt of the Black Beast" appears to be the name of a game much 
in vogue at the time of writing. 

2 Noah Wiswell. 

3 Bering Strait. Mather's confidence that it did not exist was doubtless 
derived from his reading of Hennepin. 


A Digression, 

Relating some Wonderful Judgments of God. 

Before we pass to another year, Stand still. Reader, and 
Behold some Wonderful Events proper here to be Introduced. 
The Relation thereof shall be given, as I have Received it. 

Portsmouth, Feb.27, 1698/9. 

Monsieur Vincelotte of Quebeck, arrived here, the 25th of the 
last Month,* and since Embarked for France by way of Bilboa, as 
Agent to Represent the Affairs of Canada. 

He says, That about Nine or Ten years since, the Earl of Fron- 
tenac, Governor of that place (who died last November), did person- 
ally Attempt to Subdue the Maqua's, etc., having no less than 
Fifteen Hundred Soldiers in his Army. 

After a few Days March, they (being much Wearied and very 
Thirsty) came unto a certain small Well, of which they drank very 
plentifully. But in a few Hours after, sundry complained of much 
Illness, and according to their various Constitutions fell Sick (as it 
seem'd) of different Distempers; which occasioned so great Dis- 
order and Confusion in the Army, that no less than Four well men, 
for a while, were Engaged in taking care of every one that was Sick. 
About Three Days after, the Maqua scout, narrowly observing the 
Motions of the French, rallied together, as many as possible, to give 
a Check unto their Undertaking; which they soon accomplished, 
with very considerable Advantage. But the French appearing so 
Numerous, forced them to Retreat, and in pursuit of them, took and 
ransackt a Small Town. 

The Sickness by this Time increased unto so great an Height, as 
to occasion a Council of War, which ordered their speedy Return; 
and in a short Time, no less than Eight Hundred persons Dyed out 
of the Army. 

Now about Three Years ago, a certain Soldier, who belong'd at 
that Time to the Army, went into France. In a short Time after his 
Arrival, he Robb'd one of the Churches of a considerable value of 
Plate; but being soon discovered, he was Sentenced to be Burnt: 
He then sent unto sundry Father-Confessors, unto whom he acknowl- 
edged his many Sins; particularly the Fact for which he was Con- 

^ The Sieur de Vincelotte, Canadian, had on Frontenac's death been sent 
to France by the intendant Champigny, in a fruitless endeavor to secure the 
governorship for the latter. Maquas signifies the Iroquois, or Five Nations. 


demned. But he therewithal said, that he had something else of 
more considerable moment to Impart, which did much afflict his 
Conscience; Namely, an Action of his, about Seven Years before 
committed, when Listed under the Conduct of the Earl of Frontenac, 
in an enterprize against the Sennakers^ and Maqua's; (for said he) I 
was the only person at that Time Instrumental to the Death of near 
Eight Hundred Souls. Having Received some Affront, from some 
of the Officers, I was prompted to seek some speedy Revenge, which 
my own corrupt Nature with the Instigation of Satan, did instantly 
Acomplish; for being plentifully stored with some Rank poison upon 
another account, I threw it all into a Well, of which the Thirsty Army 
drank freely, and in the Event it proved so fatal unto them. 

For the further Confirmation of this Report, Monsieur Vince- 
lotte at the same Time told me. That he was himself Wounded in 
the Engagement, and should continue Lame to his Dying Day. 
Reverend Sir, Your most Humble Servant, 

S. Penhallow.2 

Aeticle VI. 

New Assaults from the Indians, with some Remarkdbles of Cap- 
tives taken in those Assaults. 

The Sun and the War be again Returning! The year 1690 
must begin, very Inauspiciously. In February, the French, 
with Indians, made a Descent from Canada, upon a Dutch 
Town called Schenectada, Twenty Miles above Albany, under 
the Government of New- York, and in that Surprising Incur- 
sion, they killed about Sixty Persons, whereof one was their 
Minister,^ and carried about Half as many into Captivity; 
but the People there, assisted by the Maqua's, pursued them, 
and Recovered some of their Captives from them. Upon the 
Advice of this Mischief in the West, order was dispatch'd 
unto Major Frost ^ in the East, that the Towns there should 

^ Senecas. 

2 Samuel Penhallow (1665-1726), a rich merchant of Portsmouth, and chief 
justice of New Hampshire, whose Narrative of the Indian Wars of New England 
from 1703 to 1726 is a chief som:ce for the period named. 

3 Domine Petrus Tesschenmaker; see the Journal of Jasper Danekaerts, in this 
series. Frontenac, governor of Canada, sent out three expeditions of French and 
Indians this winter, one against Albany, which destroyed Schenectady, one against 
the frontier settlements of New Hampshire, and one against those of Maine. 

* Charles Frost. 


stand upon their Guard. The Major did his Duty; but they 
did not Theirs: They Dream't that while the Deep Snow of 
the Winter continued, they were Safe Enough ; but this prov'd 
as vain as a Dream of a Dry Summer. On March 18th, the 
French, with Indians, being Half one, half t'other, Half In- 
dianized French, and Half Frenchified Indians, commanded 
by Monsieur Artel and Hope-hood^ fell Suddenly upon 
Salmon Falls, destroying the best part of the Town, with Fire 
and Sword. Near Thirty Persons were Slain, and more than 
Fifty were led into what the Reader will by 'nd by call. The 
worst Captivity in the World. It would be a Long Story to 
tell, what a particular Share in this Calamity, fell to the Family 
of One Clement Short: This Honest Man, with his Pious 
Wife, and Three Children, were killed: and Six or Seven of 
their Children, were made Prisoners : the most of which arrived 
safe to Canada, through a thousand Hardships; and the most 
of these were with more than a Thousand Mercies afterwards 
Redeemed from Canada, unto their English Friends again. 
But my Readers will be so Reasonable, as to excuse me, if I 
do not mention the Fate of every Family, that hath Suffered a 
Share in the Calamity of this Grievous War; for 'tis impossi- 
ble that I should Know All that hath happened ; and it would 
be improper for me to Write All that I know: And very 
little is the Advantage of having a Name Standing upon Record 
only among unhappy Sufferers. About Seven Score English 
went out after 'em, and came up with 'em: nevertheless, 
through the Disadvantages of their Feet by the Snow, they 
could make no Hand on it. Four or five of ours were kill'd, 
and as many of the Enemy; but the Night put an End unto the 
Action. Ours took one Prisoner, a French man, who Con- 
fessed, that they came from Canada, where both French and 
Indians were in Pay at Ten Livers^ Per Month, and he par- 
ticularly Declared the State of Canada. This Prisoner met 
with such kind usage from us, that he became a Freeman of 
Christ, and Embraced and Professed the Protestant Religion. 
But of the Prisoners, which the Enemy took from us, there 
were Two which immediately met with a very Different Fate. 

1 Hopehood is often called Wohawa; Artel is properly Frangois Hertel, a 
French officer. 
* Livres. 


Three Indians hotly pursued one Thomas Toogood, and One 
of them overtaking him, while the rest perceiving it, staid 
behind the Hill, he yielded himself a Prisoner. While the 
Salvage was getting Strings to bind him, he held his Gun under 
his Arm ; which Toogood Observing, Suddenly pluck't it from 
his Friend Stark Naught, Threatening and Protesting, that he 
would Shoot him down, if he made any Noise, and so Away 
he ran with it, unto Quochecho. 

If my Reader be inclined now to Smile, when he thinks, 
how Simply poor Isgrim look'd, returning to his Mates behind 
the Hill, without either Gun or Prey, or any thing but Strings, 
to Remember him of his own Deserts, the Smiles wiU all be 
presently turn'd into Tears. The Indians had now made a 
Prisoner of one Robert Rogers, and being on their Journey 
they came to an Hill, where this man, being through his Cor- 
pulency, (for which he was usually Nicknamed, Robin Pork) 
and an Insupportable and Intolerable Burden laid upon his 
Back, not so able to Travel as the rest, he Absconded. The 
Wretches missing him, immediately went in pursuit of him; 
and it was not long before they found his Burden cast in the 
way, and the Track of his going out of the way, which they 
foUow'd, until they found him hidden in a Hollow Tree. They 
Took him out, they Stript him, they beat him, and prickt him, 
and push'd him forward with their Swords, until they were 
got back to the HiU; and it being almost Night, they fastned 
him to a Tree with his Hands behind him, and made themselves 
a Supper, Singing, Dancing, Roaring, and Uttering many Signs 
of Joy, but with Joy little enough to the poor Creature, who 
foresaw, what all this Tended unto. They then cut a parcel 
of Wood, and bringing it into a plain place, they cut off the 
Top of a small Red Oak Tree, Leaving the Trunk for a Stake, 
whereto they bound their Sacrifice. They first made a Great 
Fire near this Tree of Death, and bringing him unto it, they 
bid him take his Leave of his Friends; which he did in a dole- 
ful manner; no Pen, though made of an Harpies Quill, were 
able to describe the Dolour of it! They then allow'd him a 
little Time, to make his Prayers unto Heaven, which he did 
with an Extream Fervency and Agony : whereupon they bound 
him to the Stake, and brought the rest of the Prisoners, with 
their Arms tied each to other, so setting them round the Fire. 


This being done, they went behind the Fire, and thrust it 
forwards upon the man, with much Laughther and Shouting; 
and when the Fire had burnt some while upon him, even till 
he was near Stifled, they puU'd it again from him. They 
Danc'd about him, and at every Turn, they did with their 
knives cut coUops of his Flesh, from his Naked Limbs, and 
throw them with his Blood into his Face. When he was Dead, 
they set his Body down upon the Glowing Coals, and left him 
tyed with his Back to the Stake; where the English Army soon 
after found him. He was left for Us, to put out the Fire with 
our Tears! 

Reader, Who should be the Father of these Myrmidons? 

Article VII. 

The Condition of the Captives, that from time to time fell into 
the Hands of the Indians ; with some very Remarkable 

We have had some Occasion, and shall have More, to men- 
tion Captives falling into the Hands of the Indians. We will 
here, without any thing worthy to be call'd A Digression, a 
little Stand Still, and with mournful Hearts look upon the 
Condition of the Captives in those cruel Hands. Their Con- 
dition truly might be Express' d in the Terms of the ancient 
Lamentations, (thus by some Translated) Lam. 4:3. The 
Daughter of my People is in the Hands of the Cruel, that are 
like the Ostrich in the Wilderness. Truly, the Dark places of 
New-England, where the Indians had their Unapproachable 
Kennels, were Habitations of Cruelty; and no words can Suffi- 
ciently describe the Cruelty undergone by our Captives in 
those Habitations, The Cold, and Heat, and Hunger, and 
Weariness, and Mockings, and Scourgings, and Insolencies 
Endured by the Captives, would enough deserve the Name of 
Cruelty; but there was this also added unto the rest, that 
they must ever now and then have their Friends made a 
Sacrafice of Devils before their Eyes, but be afraid of dropping 
a Tear from those Eyes, lest it should, upon that provocation, 
be next their own Turn, to be so Barbarously Sacrificed. 
Indeed, some few of the Captives, did very happily Escape 
from their Barbarous Oppressors, by a Flight wisely managed; 


and many more of them, were Bought by the French, who 
treated them with a Civihty ever to be acknowledged, until 
care was taken to fetch 'em home. Nevertheless many Scores 
of 'em Dyed among the Indians; and what usage they had, 
may be gathered from the following Relations, which I have 
obtained from Credible Witnesses. 

Relation I. 

James Key, Son to John Key of Quochecho, was a Child of 
about Five years of Age, taken Captive by the Indians at 
Salmon Falls; and that Hellish Fellow, Hope-Hood, once a 
Servant of a Christian Master in Boston, was become the 
Master of this Little Christian. This Child, Lamenting with 
Tears the want of Parents, his Master Threatned him with 
Death, if he did not Refrain his Tears; but these Threatnings 
could not Extinguish the Natural Affections of a Child. Where- 
fore, upon his Next Lamentations, this Monster Stript him 
Stark Naked, and lash'd both his Hands round a Tree, and 
Scourg'd him, so that from the Crown of his Head unto the 
Sole of his Foot, he was all over Bloody and Swollen; and when 
he was Tired with lajdng on his Blows, on the Forlorn Infant, 
he would lay him on the Ground, with Taunts remembering 
him of his Parents. In this misery, the poor Creature lay 
horribly Roaring for divers Days together, while his Master, 
gratified with the Musick, lay contriving of New Torments, 
wherewith to Martyr him. It was not long, before the Child 
had a Sore Eye, which his Master said, proceeded from his 
Weeping on the Forbidden Accounts: Whereupon, laying 
Hold on the Head of the Child with his Left Hand, with the 
Thumb of his Right he forced the Ball of his Eye quite out, 
therewithal telling him. That when he heard him Cry again he 
would Serve t'other so too, and leave him never an Eye to 
Weep withal. About Nine or Ten Days after, this Wretch 
had Occasion to Remove, with his Family, about Thirty Miles 
further; and when they had gone about Six Miles of the Thirty, 
the Child being Tir'd and Faint, sat him down to rest, at which 
this Horrid Fellow, being provoked, he Buried the Blade of 
his Hatchet, in the Brains of the Child, and then chopt the 
Breathless Body to pieces before the rest of the Company, 


and threw it into the River. But for the sake of these and 
other such Truculent Things, done by Hope-Hood, I am Re- 
solved, that in the course of our Story, I will watch to see what 
becomes of that hideous Loup-Garou,^ if he come to his 
End, as I am apt to think he will, before the Story. 

Relation II. 

Mehetabel Goodwin, being a Captive among the Indians, 
had with her a Child about Five Months old; which thro' 
Hunger and Hardship, she being unable to nourish it, often 
made most grievous Ejaculations. Her Indian Master told 
her, that if the Child were not quiet, he would soon dispose of 
it; which caused her to use all possible means, that his Ne- 
topship^ might not be offended; and sometimes carry it from 
the Fire, out of his Hearing, where she sat up to the wast in 
Snow and Frost for several Hours until it was Lull'd asleep. 
She thus for several dayes preserved the Life of her Babe, 
until he saw cause to Travel, with his own Cubs, farther afield; 
and then, lest he should be Retarded in his Travel, he violently 
Snatcht the Babe out of its Mother's Arms, and before her Face 
knockt out its Brains, and stript it of the Few Rags it had 
hitherto Enjoy 'd, and order'd her the Task, to go wash the 
Bloody Cloaths. Returning from this Melancholy Task, She 
found the Infant hanging by the Neck in a Forked Bough of a 
Tree. She desired leave to lay it in the Earth; but he said, it 
was better as it was, for now the Wild Beasts would not come 
at it, (I am sure, they had been at it!) and she might have 
the Comfort of seeing it again, if ever they came that way. 
The Journey now before them, was like to be very long, even 
as far as Canada, where his purpose was to make Merchandise 
of his Captive, and glad was the Captive of such happy Tid- 
ings. But the Desperate length of the way, and want of Food, 
and grief of Mind, wherewith she now encountred, caused her 
within a few Days to faint under her Difficulties. When at 
length she sat down for some Repose, with many Prayers, 
and Tears unto God, for the Salvation of her Soul, she found 
her self unable to Rise, until she espied her Furious Executioner 

^ Were-wolf . 

2 Netop, in the language of the Massachusetts Indians, meant "friend." 


coming towards her, with Fire in his Eyes, the Devil in his 
Heart, and his Hatchet in his Hand, ready to bestow a Mercy- 
Stroak of Death upon her. But then this miserable Creature 
got on her Knees, and with Weeping, and Wailing, and all 
Expressions of Agony and Entreaty, prevailed on him, to 
spare her Life a little, and she did not question but God would 
enable her to Walk a little faster. The merciless Tyrant was 
prevailed withal, to spare her this Time; nevertheless her 
former Weakness quickly Returning upon her, he was just 
going to Murder her; but a Couple of Indians, just at that 
Instant, coming in, suddenly call'd upon him to Hold his 
Hand; whereat such an Horror Surprized his Guilty Soul, that 
he ran away. But hearing them call his Name, he Returned, 
and then permitted these his Friends, to Ransom his prisoner 
from him. After this, being Seated by a River side, they 
heard several Guns go off, on the other side; which they con- 
cluded, was from a party of Albany Indians, who were Enemies 
unto these; whereupon this Bold Blade would needs go in a 
Canoo to discover what they were. They Fired upon him, 
and shot through him, and several of his Friends, before the 
Discovery could be made unto Satisfaction. But some dayes 
after this, divers of his Friends gathered a party to Revenge 
his Death, on their Supposed Enemies; with whom they joyned 
Battel, and fought several Hours, until their Supposed Enemies 
did Really put 'em to the Rout. Among the Captives, which 
they left in their Flight, one was this poor Goodwin, who was 
Overjoyed in seeing her self thus at Liberty; but the Joy did 
not last long, for these Indians were of the Same Sort with the 
other, and had been by their own Friends, thus through a strange 
Mistake set upon. However, this crew proved more Favour- 
able to her than the former, and went away Silently with their 
Booty, being loth to have any Noise made of their foul Mistake. 
And yet, a few Dayes after, such another Mistake happened ; 
for, meeting with another party of Indians, which they imag- 
ined in the English Interests, they furiously engaged each other, 
And many were killed and wounded on either side; but they 
proved a party of the French Indians, who took this poor 
Goodwin, and presented her to the French Captain, by whom 
she was carried unto Canada, where she continued Five years, 
and then was brought safe Back into New-England. 


Relation III. 

Mary Plaisted, the Wife of Mr. James Plaisted, was made 
a Captive by the Indians about Three Weeks after her De- 
livery of a Male Child.^ They then Took her, with her 
Infant, off her Bed, and forced her to Travel in this her Weak- 
ness the best part of a Day, without any Respect or Pitty. 
At Night the Cold Ground in the Open Air was her Lodging; 
and for many a Day she had no Nourishment, but a little 
Water with a little Bears-flesh: which rendred her so feeble, 
that she, with her Infant, were not far from totally Starved. 
Upon her Cries to God, there was at length some Supply sent 
in, by her Masters taking a Moose, the Broth whereof Recov- 
ered her. But she must now Travel, many Days, thro' Woods, 
and Swamps, and Rocks, and over Mountains, and Frost and 
Snow, until she could stir no farther. Sitting down to Rest, 
she was not able to Rise, until her Diabolical Master help'd 
her up; which when he did, he took her Child from her, and 
carried it unto a River, where stripping it of the few Rags it 
had, he took it by the Heels, and against a Tree dash'd out its 
Brains, and then flang it into the river. So he Returned unto 
the miserable Mother, telling her, she was now eased of her 
Burden, and must walk faster than she did before! 

Relation IV. 

Mary Ferguson, taken Captive by the Indians at Salmon 
Falls, declares, that another Maid of about Fifteen or Sixteen 
years of Age, taken at the same Time, had a Great Burden 
Imposed on her. Being over-born with her Burden, she burst 
out into Tears, telling her Indian Master, That she could go 
no further. Whereupon he immediately took off her Burden, 
and leading her aside into the Bushes, he cut off her Head, 
and Scalping it, he ran about Laughing and Bragging what 

^ She must have been well known to Mather, her sister being the wife of his 
friend Rev. Shubael Dummer. She embraced the Catholic faith at Montreal in 
1693, but was redeemed in 1695. A daughter, captured at the same time, became 
a nun, and head of the mission school for girls at Sault au Recollet; another was 
married in Canada and remained there. 


an Act he had now done; and showing the Scalp unto the rest, 
he told them, They should all be Served so if they were not 

In fine, when the Children of the English Captives Cried 
at any Time, so that they were not presently quieted, the 
manner of the Indians was, to dash out their Brains against a 

And very often, when the Indians were on, or near the 
Water, they took the Small Children, and held 'em under Water, 
till they had near Drowned them, and then gave 'em unto their 
Distressed Mothers to quiet 'em. 

And the Indians in their Frolicks would Whip and Beat 
the Small Children, until they set 'em into grievous outcries, 
and then throw 'em to their Ajnazed Mothers, for them to 
quiet 'em again as well as they could. 

This was Indian Captivity! 

Reader, a Modern Traveller assures us, that at the Villa 
Ludovisia, not far from Rome, there is to be seen the Body of 
a Petrified Man; and that he himself saw, by a piece of the 
man's Leg, Broken for Satisfaction, both the Bone and the 
Stone Crusted over it. All that I will say, is, That if thou 
canst Read these passages without Relenting Bowels, thou 
thyself art as really Petrified as the man at Villa Ludovisia. 

Nescio tu quibus es, Lector, Ledums Ocellis; 
Hoc Scio quod Siccis scribere non potui} 

Article VIIL 

A Little Account of the Greatest Action that ever New-England 


I have Read or Heard, That when the Insufferable Abuses 
which the English Nation suffered from the Abbeys were in 
the Parliament complained of, the Total Dissolution of those 
Abbeys was much forwarded, by a Speech of a Gentleman in 
the House of Commons, to this purpose; that his own House 
had been much annoy'd by Rooks building in a Tree, near unto 

1 "I know not, reader, whether you will be moved to tears by this narrative; 
I know I could not write it without weeping." 


it, and that he had used many ineffectual ways to disturb, 
and disroost these mischievous Rooks, until at Last he found 
out an infallible way to be delivered from the Rooks, and that 
was to cut down the Tree that Lodged 'em. The Distresses 
into which New-England was now fallen, made this very com- 
parison to be thought of. The Indian Rooks grievously in- 
fested the Country; and while the Country was only on the 
Defensive Part, their Men were Thinned, their Towns were 
Broken, and their Treasures consumed, without any Hope of 
seeing an End of these Troublesome Tragedies. The French 
Colonies to the Northward were the Tree in which those 
Rooks had their Nests; and the French having in person first 
fallen upon the English of New-England, it was thought that 
the New-Englanders might very justly take this Occasion to 
Reduce those French Colonies under the English Government, 
and so at once take away from all the Rooks for ever, all that 
gave 'em any Advantage to Infest us. Accordingly, a Naval 
Force, with about Seven Hundred men, under the Conduct of 
Sir William Phips, was dispatched away to L'Accady and 
Nova Scotia. This Fleet setting Sail from New-England, 
April 28, 1690, in a Fortnight Arrived at Port-Royal, and Sir 
William having the Fort Surrenderd unto him, took Possession 
of that Province, for the Crown of England. But this was only 
a step towards a far greater Action! There was no Speech 
about the Methods of Safety made, which did not conclude 
with a, Delenda est Carthago. It was become the concurring 
Resolution of all New-England, with New- York, that a vigor- 
ous Attack should be made upon Canada at once, both by Sea 
and Land.^ A fleet of Thirty-Two Sail, under the Command 
of Sr. William Phips, was Equipp'd at Boston, and began their 
Voyage, Aug. 9, and the whole Matter was put into Form, 
with so much Contrivance and Caution and Courage, that 
nothing but an Evident Hand of Heaven was likely to have 
given such a Defeat unto it, as has been indeed generally and 
Remarkably given unto all the Colonies of America, when 
they have Invaded one onother. If this Expedition did mis- 
carry, and if Canada proved unto New-England, what it 
prov'd unto the Spaniards, when at their Deserting it, they 
call'd it, II Capo de Nada; or, The Cape of Nothing, (whence 

^ See p. 201, note. 


the Name Canada) ^ there is no New-Englander, but what 
will maintain, that it was with a less Disgraceful miscarriage, 
than what baffled every one of those, that were made in this 
War, against the French Islands, by more powerful Fleets of 
those, who were forward Enough to Reproach New-England. 
I am sure, he that Reads the Account of what was done at 
Martineco, in the Relation of the Voyage of M. de Gennes, 
lately published,^ must be very easy in his Reflections upon 
what was done at Canada. Ajid I will add, That if the New- 
England-men return'd re infecta^ from Canada, yet they did 
not leave Two Hundred men behind them to the mercy of the 
French, as they who most Reproached New-England, soon 
after did at Guadalupa. 

The fuller narrative of these memorable Things the Reader 
may find written in The Life of Sir William Phipps, lately 
published ; ^ of which I must here give this Attestation, That 
as my Acquaintance with the Author, gives me Assurance of 
his being as Willing to Retract a Mistake, as unwilling to Com- 
mit one, and of his Care in whatever he writes, to be able to 
make the profession of Oecolampadius, Nolui aliquid Scribere, 
quod improbaturum putem Christum:^ so I have Compared 
this Narrative with the Journals of the Expedition; and I 
find the most Contested passages of the Story, (nor did I ever 
hear of any more than one or two little circumstantial passages 
contested, as carrying a sound a little too Rhetorical; but, I 
say, I find them) to be the very Express Words thereof, con- 
tained in those Journals; and more than so, that very credible 
Persons, concerned therein, have readily offered their Deposi- 

^A derivation wholly without warrant. By "French islands," below, the 
French West Indies are meant. 

2 Relation d'un Voyage fait en 1695, 1696, 1697, aux Cotes d'Afrique, Detroit 
de Magellan, Bresil, Cayenne, et lies Antilles, par une Escadre commandee par M. 
de Gennes (Paris and Amsterdam, 1699), by Froger. 

3 "With unaccomplished purpose." 

* Pietas in Patriam, the life of Sir William Phips here referred to, was written 
by Mather himself and published in London in 1697. It is reprinted in the Mag' 
nalia, as an appendix to book II. It is highly eulogistic in character, as might 
be expected when we remember that the Mathers endorsed Phips for the post 
of governor. 

^ "I have been unwilling to write anything which I think Christ would not 


tions upon Oath, to the Truth of what is Written. So I take 
my leave of that History, and of Sir WiUiam Phipps, the 
Memorable Subject of that History, whom I leave under this 


Bonus non est, qui non ad Invidium usque Bonus est.^ 

{A Digression) 

Reader, since we can give no better an Account of the Last 
English Expedition to Canada, why may we not for a Minute 
or Two Refresh our selves with a Story of an Old one. 

In the very year, when the Massachuset-Colony began, the 
English Attempted the Conquest of Canada; and though the 
First Attempt miscarried, the Second prospered. The Story of 
it makes a Chapter in Father Hennepin's Account of the Vast 
Country lately discovered, betwixt Canada and Mexico ;2 
and this is the Sum of it. 

While a Colony was forming it self at Canada, an English 
Fleet was Equipp'd, in the year, 1628, under the Command 
of Admiral Kirk, with a Design to take Possession of that 
Country. In their Voyage, having taken a French Ship, at 
the Isle Percee, they Sailed up the River, as far as Tadousac, 
where they found a Bark in which they set ashore some Sol- 
diers, to Seize on Cape Tourment. And here a Couple of 
Salvages discovering them, ran away to advise the people of 
Quebeck, that the English were approaching. When the Fleet 
arrived, the Admiral Summoned the Town to Surrender by 
a Letter to Monsieur Champelin,^ the governour: but the 
Governour notwithstanding his being so Surprized with the 
Invasion, made such a Resolute Answer, that the English, 
(though as the Historian says, they are a People that will 
sooner Die than quit what they once undertake) did conclude 
the fort Quebeck, was in a much better condition for Defence 
than it really was; and therefore desisting from any further 

^ "He is not good who is not good enough to be hated." 

* Louis Hennepin, Nouvelle Description d'un tres grand Pays Situe dans 

I'Amerique entre le Nouveau Mexique et la Mer glaciate (Utrecht, 1697). But it 

contains no such chapter. 

' Champlain. The English commander was David Kirke. 


Attempt at this Time, they returned into England with Reso- 
lution further to pursue their Design at a more favourable 

Accordingly, on July 19, 1629, in the Morning, the English 
Fleet appeared again, over against in the Great Bay of Quebeck, 
at the point of the Isle of Orleans; which Fleet Consisted of 
Three men of War and Six other Vessels. Admiral Kirk send- 
ing a Summons form'd in very Civil Expressions, for the Sur- 
render of the Place, the miserable State of the Country, which 
had been by the English Interceptions, hindred of Supplies 
from France, for Two years together, oblig'd the Sieur Cham- 
pelin to make a softer Answer than he did before. He sent 
Father Joseph Le Caron aboard the Admiral to treat about the 
Surrender, and none of his Demands for Fifteen Dayes, and 
then for five dayes, Time to consider on't, could obtain any 
longer Time, than till the Evening, to prepare their Articles. 
Upon the DeHvery of this Message, a Council was held, 
wherein some urged, that the English had no more than Two 
Hundred men of Regular Troops aboard, and some others which 
had not much of the Air of Soldiers; and that the Courage 
of the Inhabitants was much to be relied upon, and therefore 
it was best for to run the risk of a Siege : but Monsieur Cham- 
pelin, apprehending the Bravery of the English, remonstrated 
unto the Council, that it was better to make a Surrender on 
Good Terms, than be all cut in pieces by an unreasonable 
Endeavour to Defend themselves. Upon this, the Articles 
regulating all matters, were got ready, and Father Joseph had 
his Commission, to carry them aboard the English Admiral, 
where the Signing of them was deferred until To Morrow. 
On July 20, the Articles of Capitulation were Signed, on both 
sides, and the English being Landed, were put in possession 
of Canada by the Governour of it. The French Inhabitants, 
who were then in the Country, had twenty Crowns apiece 
given them, the rest of their Effects remained unto the Con- 
querors, but those who were willing to stay, were favoured by 
the English with great Advantages. The Fleet set Sail again 
for England, Sept. 14, and arrived at Plymouth, Oct. 18, in 
that year.^ 

1 Canada was given back to France by the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, 
March 29, 1632. 


Article IX. 

Casco Lost. 

When the Indians at last perceived that the New-Englanders 
were upon a Likely Design to Swallow up the French Terri- 
tories, the Prospect of it began to have the same Operation 
upon them, that the Success of the Design would have made 
Perpetual; that is, to Dis-spirit them, for giving the New- 
Englanders any further Molestations. Nevertheless, Before 
and Until they were thoroughly Advised of what was a doing, 
and likely to be done, they did molest the Country with some 
Tragical Efforts of their Fury. Captain James Converse was 
Marching through the vast Wilderness to Albany, with some 
Forces, which the Massachusets Colony were willing to send 
by Land (besides what they did send by Sea unto Quebeck,) 
for the Assistance of the Army, in the West, that was to go 
from thence over the Lake, and there fall upon Mount Real;^ 
but unhappy Tidings out of the East required the Diversion 
of those Forces thither. About the Beginning of May, the 
French and Indians, between Four and Five Hundred, ^ were 
seen at Casco, in a great Fleet of canoos passing over the 
Bay; but not Seeing or Hearing any more of them, for Two or 
Three Weeks together, the Casconians flattered themselves with 
Hopes, That they were gone another way. But about May 
16. those Hopes were over; for one Gresson,^ a Scotchman, 
then going out Early, fell into the mouths of these Hungry- 
Salvages. It proved no kindness to Casco, tho' it proved a 
great one to himself, that a Commander so qualified as Cap- 
tain Willard, was called off. Two or Three Days before.^ 
But the Officers of the place, now concluding, that the whole 
Army of the Enemy were watching for an Advantage to Sur- 

1 Montreal. 

2 Some other writers place the number of French and Indians at above 500. 
Casco is Falmouth (Portland). The commander of the French forces was M. 
Robineau de Portneuf. 

3 Robert Gresson or Greason. 

* Major Simon Willard was succeeded by Captain Sylvanus Davis, later 
taken prisoner and held at Quebec until exchanged at the time of the expedition 
of Phips in November, 1690. 


prize The town, Resolved that they would keep a Strict 
watch, for Two or Three days, to make some further Discovery, 
before they salley'd forth. Notwithstanding this, one Lieut. 
Clark,^ with near Thirty of their Stoutest young men, would 
venture out, as far as the Top of an Hill in the Entrance of 
the Wood, half a mile distant from the Town. The out-let 
from the Town to the Wood was thro' a Lane, that had a 
Fence on each side, which had a certain Block-house at one 
End of it; and the English were Suspicious, when they came 
to Enter the Lane, that the Indians were lying behind the Fence 
because the Cattel stood staring that way, and would not 
pass into the Wood as they use to do. This mettlesome Com- 
pany then ran up to the Fence with an. Huzza ! thinking thereby 
to discourage the Enemy, if they should be lurking there; 
but the Enemy were so well prepared for them, that they an- 
swered them with an horrible Vengeance, which kill'd the 
Lieutenant, with Thirteen more upon the Spot, and the rest 
escaped with much ado unto one of the Garrisons. The Enemy 
then coming into Town, beset all the Garrisons at once. Except 
the Fort; which were manfully Defended so long as their 
Ammunition lasted; but That being spent, without a prospect 
of a Recruit, they quitted all the Four Garrisons, and by the 
Advantage of the Night, got into the Fort. Upon this, the 
Enemy Setting the Town on Fire, bent their whole Force 
against the Fort, which had hard by it a deep Gully, that con- 
tributed not a little unto the Ruin of it: For the Besiegers 
getting into that Gully, lay below the Danger of our Guns. 
Here the Enemy began their Mine, which was carried so near 
the Walls, that the English, who by Fighting Five Days and 
Four Nights, had the greatest part of their men killed and 
wounded, (Captain Lawrence mortally, among the rest,) 
began a parley with them. Articles were Agreed, That they 
should have liberty to March unto the Next English Town, 
and have a Guard for their Safety in their March; and the 
French Commander, lifting up His Hand, Swore by the Ever- 
lasting God, for the performance of these Articles. But the 
Agreement was kept, as those that are made with Hugonots 
use to be: The English being first Admonished, by the French, 

^Thaddeus Clark. The capture and entire destruction of Casco (Fal- 
mouth) was one of the great disasters of the war. 


that they were all rebels, for proclaiming the Prince of Orange 
their King, were Captived, and many of them cruelly Murdered 
by the Indians: Only some of them (and particularly, Major 
Davis,) were Carried unto Canada, where the Gentry very 
civilly Treated them. The Garrisons at Papoodack, Spurwink, 
Black Point, and Blue Point,^ were so disanimated at these 
Disasters, that, without Orders they drew off immediately, to 
Saco, Twenty miles within Casco, and from Saco in a few Days 
also they drew off to Wells, Twenty miles within the said 
Saco; and about Half Wells drew off as far as Lieutenant 
Storers. But the Arrival of Orders and Soldiers from the Gov- 
ernment, stopt them from Retiring any further; and Hope- 
Hood, with a party that staid for further mischief, meeting 
with some Resistance here, turn'd about, and having first had 
a skirmish with Captain Sherborn, they appear'd the next 
Lords day at Newichawannick, or, Berwick, where they Burnt 
some Houses, and Slew a man. Three Days after, they came 
upon a Small Hamlet, on the South side of Piscataqua River, 
called Fox Point, and besides the Burning of several Houses, 
they Took Half a Dozen, and kill'd more than a Dozen, of the 
too Securely Ungarrisoned People; which it was as easy to 
do, as to have Spoiled an ordinary Hen-Roost. But Captain 
Floyd^ and Captain Greenleaf coming upon those Indians, 
made some Slaughter among them. Recovered some Captives 
with much Plunder, and bestow'd a Good wound upon 
Hope-Hood, who left his gun (which was next his life) in this 

All that shall further belong to this Paragraph of our Story, 
is. That when the Indians were got into the Woods, they made 
one Goody Stockford their messenger to her Neighbours, 
whose Charity she so well Sollicited, that she got a Shalop full 
of it unto Casco, where the Indians permitted us to Redeem 
several of the Prisoners. 

iPurpooduck and Spurwick were in Cape Elizabeth, Black Point and 
Blue Point in Scarborough. 

2 James Floyd. 

3 Marginal note: "Villain! Thou shalt not escape so: There must quickly 
be another stroke upon theel" 


Article X. 

Harm Watched and Catch'd by the Indians, and several Rare 
Instances of Mortal wounds upon the English, not proving 

That memorable Tygre, Hope-Hood, (called also Wohawa,) 
finding the Coast hereabouts too hot for him, went away with 
his Crew, a great way to the West-ward, with a Design to 
Bewitch another Crew at Aquadocta into his Assistance. 
Here a party of French Indians, by a strange Mistake, sup- 
posing Hope-Hood and his Wretches to have been the Indians, 
who had lately done some Spoil upon them at Canada, furi- 
ously fell upon them, and in their Blind Fury slew him, and a 
considerable part of his Company. So we have now done 
with him! In the mean Time, some other Indians came upon 
an Helpless place, called Spruce Creek, and kill'd an old man, 
and carried a Woman into Captivity; but tho' Captain Con- 
verse pursued 'em Three Days, they were too Nimble for him. 
On July 4, Eight or Nine persons working in a Field, at a place 
call'd Lampereel River,^ the Scythe of Death unhappily 
mow'd them down, in that Field of Blood: The Indians by 
Surprize kill'd 'em all, and carried a Lad Captive. About this 
Time a Council of War was called at Portsmouth, by which 
'twas thought adviseable to send out Captain Wiswel, with a 
considerable Scout, for to Scour the Woods as far as Casco; 
and it being Resolved, That one of the other Captains with 
about Fourscore Stout men should accompany Captain Wiswel 
in this Action, they All with such a Generous Emulation offered 
it, that it was necessary to determine it by a Lot, which fell 
upon Captain Floyd. On July 4, assisted with Lieut. Andrews, 
and a Detachment of Twenty-two men from Wells, they took 
their March from Quochecho into the Woods. But the Day 
following, the Enemy set upon Captain Hilton's Garrison in 
Exeter, which Lieutenant Bancroft, then posted at Exeter, 
with the loss of a few of his men Relieved. At this Time 
there happened a Remarkable Thing. I know not whether 
the Story told by Plato ^ be true, That one Herus Armenius 

1 Now Newmarket, New Hampshire. * Republic, X. 614. 


(whom Clemens will have to be Zoroaster) being Slain in War, 
lay Ten Days among the Dead, and then being brought away, 
and on the Twelfth Day laid on the funeral pile, he came to 
Life again. But it is true, that one Simon Stone being here 
wounded with Shot, in Nine several places, lay for Dead (as 
it was Time!) among the Dead. The Indians coming to Strip 
him, attempted with Two several Blows of an Hatchet at his 
Neck, to cut off his Head, which Blows added, you may be 
sure, more Enormous wounds unto those Port-holes of Death, 
at which the Life of the poor man, was already running out, as 
fast as it could. Being charged hard by Lieut. Bancroft, they 
left the man, without Scalping him; and the English now com- 
ing to Bury the Dead, one of the Soldiers perceived this poor 
man to fetch a gasp : whereupon an Irish Fellow then present, 
advised 'em to give him another Dab with an Hatchet, and so 
Bury him with the rest. The English detesting this Barbarous 
Advice, lifted up the wounded man, and poured a little Fair 
Water into his Mouth, at which he Coughed; then they poured 
a little Strong Water after it, at which he opened his Eyes. 
The Irish Fellow was ordered now to hale a Canoo ashore, to 
carry the wounded men up the River unto a Chirurgeon ; and 
as Teague was foolishly pulling the Canoo ashore, with the 
Cock of his Gun, while he held the Muzzle in his Hand, his 
Gun went off, and broke his Arm, whereof he remains a Cripple 
to this Day: But Simon Stone was thoroughly cured, and is 
at this Day a very lusty man; and as he was Born with Two 
Thumbs on one Hand, his Neighbours have thought him to 
have at least as many Hearts as Thumbs! 

Reader, Let us Leave it now unto the Sons of >^sculapius, 
to Dispute out the Problem, What Wounds are to be Judged 
Mortal? The Sovereign Arbiter of Life and Death, seems to 
have determined it. That no Wounds are Mortal, but such 
as He shall in his Holy Providence Actually make so. On the 
one side, let it be Remembered, That a Scratch of a Comb 
has proved Mortal; That the Incomparable Anatomist Spi- 
gelius, at the Wedding of his Daughter, gathering up the 
Reliques of a Broken Glass, a Fragment of it scratched one of 
his Fingers; and all his Exquisite Skill in Anatomy, could not 
prevent its producing an Empyema, that Killed him: That 
Colonel Rossiter, cracking a Plumb-stone with his Teeth, 


broke his Tooth, and Lost his Life; That the Lord Fairfax, 
cutting a Corn in his Foot, Cut asunder the Thread of his Life; 
That Mr. Fowler, a Vintner, playing with his Child, received 
a little scratch of a Pin, which turn'd unto a Gangrene, that 
Cost him his Life. And, Reader, Let the Remembrance of 
such Things, cause thee to Live, preparing for Death continu- 
ally. But then, on the other side. That nothing may be De- 
spaired of, Remember Simon Stone. And, besides him, I call 
to Remembrance, That the Indians making an Assault upon 
Deerfield, in this Present War, they struck an Hatchet some 
inches into the Scull of a Boy there, even so deep, that the Boy 
felt the Force of a Wrench used by 'em to get it out. There 
he lay a long while Weltring in his Blood; they found him, 
they Dress'd him, considerable Quantities of his Brain came 
out from time to time, when they opened the Wound; yet the 
Lad Recovered, and is now a Living Monument of the Power 
and Goodness of God. And in our Former War, there was one 
Jabez Musgrove, who tho' he were Shot by the Indians, with 
a Bullet, that went in at his Ear, and went out at his Eye on 
the other side of his head; and a Brace of Bullets, that went 
into his Right Side, a little above his Hip, and passing thro' 
his Body within the Back-Bone, went out at his Left Side; 
yet he Recovered, and Lived many years after it. 

Aeticle XL 

A Worthy Captain Dying in the Bed of Honour. 

On July 6. Lord's-Day, Captain Floyd, and Captain Wis- 
wel, sent out their Scouts before their Breakfast, who imme- 
diately returned, with Tidings of Breakfast enough provided 
for those, who had their Stomach sharp set for Fighting : Tid- 
ings of a considerable Track of the Enemy, going to the West- 
ward. Our Forces vigorously followed the Track, till they 
came up with the Enemy, at a place call'd Wheelwright's 
Pond; where they engaged 'em in a Bloody Action for several 
Hours. The manner of the Fight here was as it is at all times, 
with Indians; namely, what your Artists at Fighting do call, 
A la disbandad : ^ And here, the Worthy Captain Wiswel, a man 

^Spanish, meaning, "separately, not in company formation." 


worthy to have been Shot (if he must have been Shot), with no 
Gun inferior to that at Florence, the Barrel whereof is all pure 
Gold, behaving himself with much Bravery, Sold his Life as 
dear as he could; and his Lieutenant Flag, and Sergeant 
Walker, who were Valient in their Lives, in their Death were 
not divided. Fifteen of ours were Slain, and more Wounded; 
but how many of the Enemy 'twas not exactly known, because 
of a singular care used by them in all their Battels to carry off 
their Dead, tho' they were forced now to Leave a good Number 
of them on the Spot. Captain Floyd maintained the Fight, 
after the Death of Captain Wiswel, several Hours, until so 
many of his Tired and Wounded men Drew off, that it was Time 
for him to Draw off also; for which he was blamed perhaps, 
by some that would not have continued at it so long as he. 
Hereupon Captain Converse repaired with about a score Hands 
to look after the Wounded men, and finding seven yet Alive, 
he brought 'em to the Hospital by Sun-rise the next morning. 
He then Returned with more Hands, to Bury the Dead, which 
was done immediately; and Plunder left by the Enemy at 
their going off, was then also taken by them. But the same 
Week, these Rovers made their Descent as far as Amesbury, 
where Captain Foot being Ensnared by them, they Tortured 
him to Death ; which Disaster of the Captain, was an Alarum 
to the Town, and an Effectual Word of Command, causing 
'em to fly out of their Beds into their Garrisons; otherwise 
they had all undoubtedly before next morning Slept their last; 
their Beds would have been their Graves. However, the enemy 
Kill'd Three Persons, Burnt Three Houses, Butchered many 
Cattel; and so, that Scene of the Tragedy being over, away 
they went. 

In fine. From the First Mischief done, at Lampereel River, 
to the Last at Amesbury, all belong'd unto one Indian Expedi- 
tion, in which, though no English Places were taken, yet Forty 
English People were cut off. 


Article XII. 
An Indian Fort or Two taken, and some other Actions. 

Reader, I remember the prolixity of Guicciardine, the 
Historian/ gave such Offence, that BoccaHni brings in an 
Offender at Verbosity, Ordered for his punishment by the 
Judges at Parnassus, to Read that punctual Historian; but 
the poor Fellow begg'd rather to be Fley'd alive, than to be 
Tortured with Reading an Historian, who in relating the War 
between the Florentines and Pisans made longer Narrations 
about the Taking of a Pigeon-House, than there needed of the 
most Fortified Castle in the World. For this cause, let me be 
excused, Reader, if I make Short Work, in our Story, and Leave 
the Honest Actors themselves to Run over Circumstances 
more at large, with their Friends by the Fireside. 

The Enemy appearing a Little Numerous and Vexatious, 
the Government sent more Forces to break up the Enemies 
Quarters; and Auxiliaries both of English and Indians, under 
the Command of Major Church, assisted the Enterprize.^ 
About Three Hundred Men, were dispatched away upon this 
Design, in the Beginning of September, who Landed by Night 
in Casco Bay, at a place called Macquoit, and by Night 
Marched up to Pechypscot-fort;^ where, from the Informa- 
tion of some Escaped Captives, they had an Expectation to 
meet with the Enemy; but found that the Wretches were gone 
farther afield. They then marched away for Amonoscoggin 
Fort,^ which was about Forty Miles up the River; and 
Wading through many Difficulties, whereof one was a Branch 
of the River it self, they met with Four or Five Salvages, going 
to their Fort, with two English Prisoners. They sav'd the 
Prisoners, but could not catch the Salvages; however, on the 
Lord's-Day they got up to the Fort undiscovered, where to 
their sorrowful Disappointment, they found no more than one 
and Twenty of the Enemy, whereof they Took and Slew 

1 Francesco Guicciardini (1483-1540), the historian of Florence; Trajano 
Boccalini (1556-1613), satirist. 

2 See Church, Entertaining Passages, pp. 66-76. 

8 Freeport; Brunswick. * At Lewiston. 


Twenty. They found some Considerable Store of Plunder, 
and Rescued Five English Captives, and laid the Fort in Ashes; 
but one Disaster they much Complained of; That the Captain 
of the Fort, whose Name was Agamcus, alias, Great Tom, 
slipt away from the Hands of his too Careless keepers. But if 
this piece of Carelessness did any Harm, there was another 
which did some Good: for Great Tom having terribly Scared 
a party of his Country-men, with the Tidings of what had 
happened, and an English Lad in their Hands also telling 
some Truth unto them, they betook themselves to such a 
Flight, in their Fright, as gave one Mr. Anthony Bracket,^ 
then a Prisoner with 'em, an Opportunity to Fly Four-score 
miles another way. Our Forces returning to Macquoit, one 
of our Vessels was there Carelessly ran aground, and compelled 
thereby to stay for the next Tide; and Mr. Bracket had been 
miserably aground, if it had not so fell out; for he thereby got 
thither before she was afloat, otherwise He might have per- 
ished, who was afterwards much Improved in Service against 
the Murderers of his Father. Arriving at Winter harbour, a 
party of men were sent up the River, who coming upon a 
parcel of the Mankeen Wolves then hunted for, killed some of 
them, and Seized most of their Arms, and Stores, and Recov- 
ered from them an English man, who told them, that the 
Enemy were intending to Rendezvouz on Pechypscot Plain, 
in order to an attempt upon the Town of Wells. Upon this, 
they Reimbark'd for Macquoit, and repaired as fast as they 
could unto Pechypscot Plain, and being Divided into Three 
parties, they there waited for the Approach of the Enemy. 
But being tyred with one of the three Italian miseries. Waiting 
for those who did not come, they only possessed themselves 
of more Plunder there hid by the Enemy, and returned unto 
Casco-harbour. The Enemy it seems dogg'd their Motions; 
and in the Night they made a mischievous Assault upon such 
of the English Army, as were too Remiss in providing for their 
own Safety in their going ashore; Killing Five of our Plymouth 
Friends, who had Lodg'd themselves in an House, without 
Commanders or Centinels. The English, as soon as the Light 
of the Day (which was the Lord's-day, Sept. 21,) gave 'em 

iSon of the Anthony Brackett previously mentioned, p. 202, su'pra. 
Agamagus was a Penobscot chief, also called Moxus. 


leave, quickly Ran upon the Enemy, and Eased the world of 
some of them, and made the rest Scamper from that part of 
the world, and got many of their Canoos, and not a little of 
their Ammunition, and their best Furniture for the Winter. 
The Army was after this Dismissed, only an Hundred men 
were left, with Captain Converse, and Lieutenant Plaisted,^ 
who spent their Time, as profitably as they could, in Scouting 
about the Frontiers, to prevent Surprizals, from an Enemy 
which rarely did Annoy, but when they could Surprize. 

Akticle XIII. 

A Flag of Truce. 

New-England was now quite out of Breath! A tedious, 
lingring, expensive Defence, against an Ever-Approaching 
and Unapproachable Adversary, had made it so. But nothing 
had made it more so, than the Expedition to Canada, which 
had Exhausted its best Spirits, and seem'd its Ultimus Cona- 
tus.'^ While the Country was now in too Great Amazements 
to proceed any farther in the War, the Indians themselves 
Entreat them to proceed no farther. The Indians came in to 
Wells, with a Flag of Truce : and there Ensued some Overtures, 
with the English Commissioners, Major Hutchinson,^ and 
Captain Townsend, sent from Boston to join with some others 
at Wells. At length a meeting was Appointed and obtained 
at Sagadehock,^ Nov. 23, Where the Redemption of Ten 
English Captives was accomplished; one of whom was Mrs. 
Hull, whom the Indians were very loth to part withal, because 
being able to Write well, they made her serve them in the 
Quality of a Secretary : another was named Nathanael White, 
whom the Barbarous Canibals had already ty'd unto a Stake, 
and cut off one of his Ears, and made him Eat it Raw, and in- 
tended for to have Roasted the rest of him alive: the poor 
man, being astonished at his own Deliverance! At last, they 

1 James Converse of Woburn; Ichabod Plaisted of Kittery. 

2 "Last effort." 

* Elisha Hutchinson, grandson of Anne Hutchinson. 

* Sagadahoc, at the mouth of the Kennebec River, where Popham had 
built his fort of St. George in 1607. 


Signed Articles, dated, Nov. 29, 1691, wherein they Engaged, 
that no Indians in those parts of the World should do any 
Injury to the Persons or Estates of the English in any of the 
English Colonies, until the first of May, next Ensuing: and 
that on the said First of May, they would bring into Storer's 
Garrison at Wells all the English Captives in their Hands, and 
there Make, and Sign, and Seal Articles of Peace with the 
English; and in the mean time give seasonable Advice of any 
Plots, which they might know the French to have against 
them. To this Instrument were set the Paws of Edgeremet,^ 
and Five more of their Sagamores, and noblemen. 

But as it was not upon the Firm Land, but in their Canoos 
upon the Water, that they Signed and Sealed this Instrument ; 
so. Reader, we will be Jealous, that it will prove but a Fluctu- 
ating, and unstable sort of a Business; and that the Indians 
will Do a Ly, as they use to do. However, we will Dismiss all 
our Soldiers to their several Homes, Leaving only Captain 
Converse to keep Wells in some Order, until the First of May 
do show, whether any more than a meer Flag of Truce be yet 
shown unto us. 

Article XIV. 

Remarkable Encounters. 

At the Day appointed, there came to the place Mr.Danforth, 
Mr. Moodey, Mr. Vaughan, Mr. Brattle, and several other 
Gentlemen, guarded with a Troop, to see how the Frenchified 
Indians would keep their Faith with the Hereticks of New- 
England. The Indians being poor Musicians for keeping of 
Time, came not according to their Articles, and when Captain 
Converse had the courage to go fetch in some of them, they 
would have made a Lying excuse, That they did not know the 
Time. They brought in Two Captives, and promised That in 
Twenty Days more, they would bring in to Captain Converse 
all the rest; but finding that in Two and Twenty days they 
came not, with much concern upon his Mind, he got himself 
Supplied, as fast as he could, with Five and Thirty men, from 
the County of Essex. His men were not come half an Hour 

1 Edgeremet or Egeremet was an Indian leader near Machias. 


to Storer's House, on June 9, 1691, nor had they got their 
Indian Weed fairly lighted into their Mouths, before Fierce 
Moxus, with Two Hundred Indians, made an Attacque upon 
the Garrison. This Recruit of Men, thus at the very Nick of 
Time, Saved the place; for Moxus meeting with a brave Re- 
pulse, drew off; and gave Modockawando cause to say, (as a 
Captive aftewards related it) My Brother Moxus has miss'd 
it now, but I will go my self the next year, and have the Dog 
Converse out of his Hole. About this Time, the Enemy Slew 
Two men at Berwick, Two more at Exeter, and the biggest 
part of Nine, loading a Vessel at Cape Nidduck. But about 
the latter End of July, we sent out a small Army under the 
Command of Captain March, Captain King, Captain Sher- 
burn, and Captain Walten, (Converse lying Sick all Summer, 
had this to make him yet more Sick that he could have no part 
in these Actions,) who landing at Macquoit, Marched up to 
Pechypscot, but not finding any signs of the Enemy, Marched 
down again. While the Commanders were waiting ashore, till 
the Soldiers were got aboard, such Great Numbers of Indians 
poured in upon them, that tho' the Commanders wanted not 
for Courage or Conduct, yet they found themselves obliged, 
with much ado, (and not without the Death of Worthy Cap- 
tain Sherburn) to retire into the Vessels which then lay aground. 
Here they kept pelting at one another all night ; but unto little 
other purpose than this, which was indeed Remarkable : that 
the Enemy was at this Time Going to Take the Isle of Shoales, 
and no doubt had they gone, they would have Taken it, but 
having Exhausted all their Ammunition on this Occasion, they 
desisted from what they designed. For the Rest of the Year, 
the Compassion of Heaven towards Distressed New-England, 
kept the Indians under a strange Inactivity; only, on Sept. 
28, Seven persons were Murthered and Captived at Berwick; 
and the Day following, Thrice Seven of Sandy-Beach; on 
Octob. 23, One Goodridge and his Wife, were murthered at 
Newberry,^ and his Children Captived : and the Day follow- 
ing, the like Fate befel a Family at Haverhil. And this year, 
a very Good Strong Fort at Cape Nidduck, owned by a Widdow, 
was unhappily Deserted; after which, the Enemy came, and 
burnt the Houses in it. 

* In the Magnalia this is corrected to Rowley. 


Article XV. 

The Martyrdome of Mr. Shubael Dummer, with the Fate of York. 

But the Winter must not pass over, without a Storm of 
Blood! The Popish Indians, after long Silence and Repose in 
their Inaccessible Kennels, which made our Frontier Towns a 
little Remit their Tired Vigilance, did, Jan. 25, 1691,^ Set 
upon the Town of York, where the Inhabitants were in their 
unguarded Houses, here and there scattered. Quiet and Secure. 
Upon the Firing of a Gim by the Indians, which was their 
Signal, the Inhabitants looked out, but unto their Amazement, 
found their Houses to be Invested with horrid Salvages, who 
immediately kill'd many of those unprovided Inhabitants, and 
more they took Prisoners. This Body of Indians, Consisting 
of divers Hundreds, then sent in their Summons, to some of 
the Garrison'd Houses; and those Garrisons, whereof some 
had no more than Two or Three Men in them, yet being so well 
Manned, as to Reply, That they would Spend their Blood unto 
the last Drop, e'er they would Surrender, these Cowardly 
miscreants had not mettle enough to meddle with 'em. So 
they Retired into their Howling Thickets, having first Murdered 
about Fifty, and Captivated near an Hundred of that unhappy 
People.2 jji tiiig Calamity great was the Share that fell to 
the Family of Mr. Shubael Dummer, the Pastor of the Little 
Flock thus prey'd upon; Those Blood-Hounds, being set on 
by some Romish Missionaries, had long been wishing, that 
they might Embrue their Hands in the Blood of some New- 
English Minister; and in this Action, they had their Diabolical 
Satisfaction. Our Dummer, the Minister of York,^ was One 
of whom, for his Exemplary Holiness, Humbleness, Modesty, 
Industry and Fidelity, the world was not worthy. He was a 
Gentleman Well-Descended, Well-Tempered, Well-Educated; 

1 1, e., 1692. 

2 Rev. John Pike in his diary gives the loss as 48 killed and 73 captured. 
The captives were taken to Sagadahoc and many were redeemed later; see p. 
232, post. 

3 Shubael Dummer was born in 1632, was graduated from Harvard in 1656, 
had been minister at York for many years, and was one of Mather's most valued 


and now short of Sixty years of Age. He might have taken for 
his Coat of Arms the same that the Holy Martyr Hooper 
Prophetically did, A Lamb in a Flaming Bush, with Rays from 
Heaven shining on it. He had been SoUicited with many 
Temptations to Leave his Place, when the Clouds grew Thick 
and Black in the Indian Hostilities, and were like to break 
upon it; but he chose rather, with a paternal Affection, to 
stay amongst those who had been, so many of them. Converted 
and Edified by his Ministry, and he spent very much of his 
own Patrimony to Subsist among them, when their Distresses 
made them unable to support him as otherwise they would have 
done. In a word, He was one that might, by way of Eminency, 
be called, A Good Man. This Good Man was just going to 
Take Horse, at his own Door, upon a Journey in the Service 
of God, when the Tygres, that were making their Depredations 
upon the Sheep of York, seiz'd upon this their Shepherd; and 
they shot him so, that they left him Dead among the Tribe 
of Abel on the Ground. Thus was he, as Ambrose in his Ele- 
gant Oration, De obitu Fratris,^ expresses it, Non nobis ereptus, 
sed periculis.^ His Wife they carried into Captivity, where 
through Sorrows and Hardships among those Dragons of the 
Desert, she also quickly Died; and his Church, as many of 
them as were in that Captivity, Endured This, among other 
Anguishes, that on the next Lord's Day, one of those Tawnies 
chose to Exhibit himself unto them, (A Devil as an Angel of 
Light !) in the Cloaths, whereof they had Stript the Dead Body 
of this their Father. Many were the Tears that were dropt 
throughout New-England, on this Occasion; and These among 
the rest; for Tho' we do not, as Tradition tells us, the Ante- 
diluvians did use to do. By the Blood of Abel, yet we cannot 
but mournfully Sing of the Blood of such an Abel. 


Dummer The Shepherd Sacrific'd, 

By Wolves, because the Sheep he priz'd. 

The Orphans Father, Churches Light, 

* "On the Death of a Brother." The allusion is to a funeral discourse de- 
livered by St. Ambrose (d. 397), commonly called De Excessu Fratris sui Satyri. 
2 "Not snatched from us but from dangers." 


The Love of Heav'n, of Hell the Spight. 
The Countries Gapman, and the Face 
That Shone, but knew it not, with Grace. 
Hunted by Devils, but Rehev'd 
By Angels, and on High Receiv'd. 
The Martyr'd Pehcan, who Bled 
Rather than leave his Charge Unfed. 
A proper Bird of Paradise, 
Shot, and Flown thither in a Trice. 

Lord, Hear the Cry of Righteous Dununer's wounds, 
Ascending still against the Salvage Hounds, 
That Worry thy dear Flocks; and let the Cry 
Add Force to Theirs, that at thine Altar ly. 

To Compleat the Epitaph of this Good man, there now 
needs no more, than the famous old Chaucer's Motto. 

Mors mihi wrumnarum Requies} 

Article XVL 

The Memorable Action at Wells. 

A Vessel, the Name whereof I know not, (Reader, Let it be 
the Charity) being immediately dispatched unto Sagadehock, 
by the charitable Compassions of the more Southward Neigh- 
bours, with Effects to accomplish it, happily Effected the Re- 
demption of many that were taken Captives at York. But the 
rest of the People in that Broken Town talking of Drawing off, 
the Government sent Captain Converse and Captain Greenleaf , 
with such Encouragements unto them, to keep their Station, 
as prevailed with 'em still to Stand their Ground. In Feb- 
ruary Major Hutchinson was made Commander in Chief, and 
Forces under the Command of Captain Converse, Captain 
Floyd, and Captain Thaxter, were by him so prudently posted, 
on the Frontiers, that by maintaining a continual Communica- 
tion, it became a Difficult Thing for the Enemy to make any 

^ "Death is the end of my misfortunes." 


more Approaches. Lieutenant Wilson particularly hearing of 
a man Shot at, in Quochecho-Woods, went out with a Scout of 
about Eighteen men, who came upon the Indians that had shot 
at the man; and killed and wounded all but one of the whole 
Company. But now, Reader, the Longest Day [of] the Year is 
to come on, and if I mistake not, the Bravest Act in the War, 
fell out upon it.^ — Modockawando is now come, according 
to his Promise a Twelve-Month ago. Captain Converse was 
lodg'd in Storer's Garrison at Wells, with but Fifteen men; 
and there came into Wells Two Sloops, with a Shallop, which 
had aboard Supplies of Ammunition for the Soldiers, and Con- 
tribution for the Needy. The Cattel this Day came Frighted 
and Bleeding out of the Woods, which was a more certain 
Omen of Indians a coming, than all the Prodigies that Livy 
reports of the Sacrificed Oxen. Converse immediately issued 
out his Commands unto all Quarters, but especially to the 
Sloops just then arrived. The Sloops were Commanded by 
Samuel Storer, and James Gouge, and Gouges being two miles 
up the River, he wisely brought her down undiscovered, unto 
Storers, by the advantage of a Mist then prevailing. A care- 
ful Night they had on't! The next Morning, before Day- 
Light, one Johii Diamond, a Stranger that came in the Shallop 
on a Visit, came to Captain Converse's Garrison, where the 
Watch invited him in; but he chose rather to go aboard the 
Sloops, which were little more than a Gun-Shot off; and, alas, 
the Enemy issuing out from their Lurking-places, immediately 
Seiz'd him, and haled him away by the Hair of the Head, (in 
spight of all the Attempts used by the Garrison, to Recover 
him) for an horrible Story to be told by and by concerning him. 
The General of the Enemies Army was Monsieur Burniff;^ 
and one Monsieur Labrocree^ was a principal Commander; 
(the Enemy said, he was Lieutenant General :) there were also 
Divers other Frenchmen of Quality, Accompanied with Mo- 
dockawando, and Moxus, and Egeremet, and Warumbo, and 
several more Indian Sagamores; The Army made up in all, 
about Five Hundred Men, or Fierce Things in the Shape of 
Men, all to Encounter Fifteen Men in one little Garrison, 

^The attack and repulse at Wells occurred on June 10 and 11, 1692, old 
style; June 20 and 21, new style. 

* Burniff is a corruption of Portneuf . ' La Broquerie. 


and about Fifteen more Men, (worthily called Such !) in a Couple 
of open Sloops. Diamond Having informed 'em How 'twas in 
all points, (only that for Fifteen, by a mistake he said Thirty,) 
they fell to Dividing the Persons and Plunder, and Agreeing, 
that such an English Captain should be Slave to such a one, and 
such a Gentleman in the Town should serve such a one, and his 
Wife be a Maid of Honour to such or such a Squaw proposed, and 
Mr. Wheelright^ (instead of being a Worthy Counsellor of the 
Province, which he Now is !) was to be the Servant of such a 
Netop; and the Sloops, with their Stores, to be so and so 
parted among them. There wanted but One Thing to Con- 
summate the whole matter, even the Chief Thing of all, which 
I suppose they had not thought of; That was. For Heaven to 
Deliver all this prize into their Hands: But, Aliter Statutum 
est in Ccelo!^ A man Habited like a Gentleman made a 
Speech to them in Enghsh, Exhorting 'em to Courage, and 
Assuring 'em, that if they would Courageously fall upon the 
English, all was their own. The Speech being Ended, they fell 
to the Work, and with an horrid Shout and Shot, made their 
Assault, upon the Feeble Garrison; but the English answered 
with a brisk Volley, and sent such a Leaden Shower among 
them, that they retired from the Garrison to spend the Storm 
of their Fury upon the Sloops. 

You must know. That Wells Harbour is rather a Creek 
than a River, for 'tis very Narrow, and at low water, in many 
places Dry; nevertheless, where the Vessels ride, it is Deep 
enough, and so far off the Bank, that there is from thence no 
Leaping aboard. But our Sloops were sorely incommoded by 
a Turn of the Creek, where the Enemy could ly out of danger 
so near 'em as to throw Mud aboard with their Hands. The 
Enemy was also priviledged with a Great Heap of Plank, 
lying on the Bank, and with an Hay Stock, which they Strength- 
ened with Posts and Rayles; and from all these places, they 
poured in their Vengeance upon the poor Sloops, while they so 
placed Smaller parties of their Salvages, as to make it impossi- 
ble for any of the Garrisons to afford 'em any relief. Lying 
thus, within a Dozen yards of the Sloops, they did with their 
Fire Arrows, divers times desperately set the Sloops on Fire: 
but the brave Defendants, with a Swab at the End of a Rope 

^ Samuel Wheelwright. '^ "It was ordered otherwise in Heaven." 


tyed unto a Pole, and so dipt into the Water, happily put the 
Fire out. In brief, the Sloops gave the Enemy so brave a 
Repulse, that at Night they Retreated: when they Renewed 
their Assault, finding that their Fortitude would not assure 
the Success of the Assault unto them, they had recourse unto 
their Policy. First, an Indian comes on with a Slab for a 
Shield, before him; when a Shot from one of the Sloops 
pierced the Slab, which fell down instead of a Tombstone 
with the Dead Indian under it ; on which, as little a Fellow as 
he was, I know not whether some will not reckon it proper to 
inscribe the Epitaph, which the Italians use to bestow upon 
their Dead Popes: When the Dog is Dead, all his Malice is 
Dead with him. Their next Stratagem was This : They brought 
out of the Woods a kind of a Cart, which they Trimm'd and 
Rigg'd, and Fitted up into a Thing, that might be called, A 
Chariot: whereupon they built a platform, shot-proof in the 
Front, and placed many men upon that platform. Such an 
Engine they understood how to Shape, without having Read 
(I suppose) the Description of the Pluteus in Vegetius ! ^ This 
Chariot they push'd on, towards the Sloops, till they were got, 
it may be, within Fifteen yards of them; when, lo, one of 
their Wheels, to their Admiration, Sunk into the Ground. A 
Frenchman Stepping to heave the Wheel, with an Helpful 
Shoulder, Storer Shot him down; Another Stepping to the 
Wheel, Storer with a well-placed Shot, sent him after his Mate : 
so the Rest thought it was best to let it stand as it was. The 
Enemy kept galling the Sloops, from their Several Batteries, 
and calling 'em to Surrender, with many fine promises to make 
them Happy, which ours answered with a just Laughter, that 
had now and then a mortiferous Bullet at the End of it. The 
Tide Rising, the Chariot overset, so that the men behind it lay 
open to the Sloops, which immediately Dispenced an horrible 
Slaughter among them; and they that could get away, got as 
fast, and as far off, as they could. In the Night the Enemy 
had much Discourse with the Sloops; they Enquired, Who 
were their Commanders? and the English gave an Answer, 
which in some other Cases and Places would have been too 
true. That they had a great many Commanders: but the 

1 Vegetius was the chief Roman writer on the miHtary art; the pluteus was 
a shed or penthouse to protect soldiers while attacking a fortification. 


Indians Replied, You ly, you have none but Converse, and 
we will have him too before Morning! They also knowing, 
that the Magazine was in the Garrison, lay under an Hill- 
Side, Pelting at That by Times; but Captain Converse, once 
in the Night, sent out Three or Four of his men into a Field 
of Wheat, for a Shot, if they could get one. There seeing a 
Black Heap lying together, Ours all at once let Fly upon them, 
a Shot that Slew several of them that were thus Caught in the 
Corn, and made the rest glad, that they found themselves Able 
to Run for it. Captain Converse was this while in much Dis- 
tress, about a Scout of Six men, which he had sent forth 
to Newichawannick,^ the Morning before the Arrival of the 
Enemy, ordering them to Return the Day following. The 
Scout Return'd, into the very Mouth of the Enemy, that lay 
before the Garrison; but the Corporal, having his Wits about 
him, call'd out aloud, (as if he had seen Captain Converse 
making a Sally forth upon 'em) "captain, Wheel about your 
men round the Hill, and we shall Catch 'em; there are but a 
Few Rogues of 'em!" Upon which the Indians imagining, 
that Captain Converse had been at their Heels, betook them- 
selves to their Heels; and our Folks got safe into another Gar- 
rison. On the Lord's-day Morning, there was for a while a 
Deep Silence among the Assailants ; but at length getting into 
a Body, they marched with great Formality towards the Gar- 
rison, where the Captain ordered his Handful of men to ly 
Snug, and not to make a Shot, until every Shot might be likely 
to do some Execution. WTiile they thus beheld a Formidable 
Crew of Dragons, coming with open mouth upon them, to 
Swallow them up at a Mouthful, one of the Soldiers began to 
speak of Surrendring; upon which the captain Vehemently 
protested, That he would lay the man Dead, who should so 
much as mutter that base word any more! and so they heard 
no more on 't: but the Valiant Storer was put upon the like 
protestation, to keep 'em in good Fighting trim, aboard the 
Sloops also. The enemy now Approaching very near, gave 
Three Shouts, that made the Earth ring again; and Crying 
out, in English, Fire, and Fall on, Brave Boys! The whole 
Body, drawn into Three Ranks, Fired at once. Captain Con- 
verse immediately ran into the several Flankers, and made 

* Berwick. 


their Best Guns Fire at such a rate, that several of the Enemy- 
fell, and the rest of 'em disappeared almost as Nimbly, as if 
there had been so many Spectres: Particularly, a parcel of them 
got into a small Deserted House; which having but a Board- 
Wall to it, the Captain sent in after them those Bullets of 
Twelve to the Pound, that made the House too hot, for them 
that could get out of it. The Women in the Garrison on this 
occasion took up the Amazonian Stroke, and not only brought 
Ammunition to the Men, but also with a Manly Resolution 
fired several Times upon the Enemy. The Enemy finding 
that Things would not yet go to their minds at the Garrison, 
drew off, to Try their Skill upon the Sloops, which lay still 
abreast in the Creek, lash'd fast one to another. They built 
a Great Fire- Work, about Eighteen or Twenty Foot Square, 
and fiird it up with Combustible matter, which they Fired; 
and then they set it in the way, for the Tide now to Float it 
up, unto the Sloops, which had now nothing but an horrible 
Death before them. Nevertheless their Demands, of both the 
Garrison and the Sloops to yield themselves, were answered 
no otherwise than with Death upon many of them. Spit from 
the Guns of the Beseiged. Having tow'd their Fire- Work as 
far as they durst, they committed it unto the Tide; but the 
Distressed Christians that had this Deadly Fire Swimming 
along upon the Water towards 'em, committed it unto God: 
and God looked from Heaven upon them, in this prodigious 
Article of their Distress. These poor men cried, and the Lord, 
heard them, and saved them out of their Troubles:^ The Wind, 
unto their Astonishment, immediately turn'd about, and with 
a Fresh Gale drove the Machin ashore on the other side, and 
Split it so, that the Water, being let in upon it, the Fire went 
out. So, the godly men that saw God from Heaven thus 
Fighting for them, Cried out, with an Astonishing Joy, // it 
had not been the Lord, who was on our Side, they had Swallowed 
us up quick; Blessed be the Lord, who hath not given us a prey to 
their Teeth; our Soul is Escaped, as a Bird out of the Snare of 
the Fowlers!^ The Enemy were now in a pittiful pickle, 
with Toiling, and Moiling in the Mud, and black'ned with it, 
if Mud could add Blackness to such Miscreants; and their 
Ammunition was pretty well Exhausted: so that now they 

* Psalm xxxiv. 6. * Psalm cxxiv. 2, 3, 6, 7. 


began to Draw off, in all parts, and with Rafts get over the 
River; some whereof breaking, there did not a few Cool their 
late Heat by falling into it. But first, they made all the Spoil 
they could, upon the Cattel about the Town; and giving one 
Shot more at the Sloops, they kill'd the only Man, of ours, 
that was kill'd aboard 'em. Then, after about Half an Hours 
Consultation, they sent a Flag of Truce to the Garrison, ad- 
vising 'em with much Flattery, to Surrender; but the Captain 
sent 'em word. That he wanted for nothing, but for men to 
come, and Fight him. The Indian replied unto Captain Con- 
verse, Being you are so Stout, why don't you come and Fight 
in the open Field, like a Man, and not Fight in a Garrison, 
like a Squaw? The Captain rejoined; what a Fool are you? 
do you think. Thirty men a Match for Five Hundred? No, 
(says the Captain, counting, as well he might, each of his 
Fifteen men to be as Good as Two!) Come with your Thirty 
men upon the Plain, and I'le meet you with my Thirty, as 
soon as you will. Upon this, the Indian answered; Nay, mee 
own, English Fashion is all one Fool; you kill mee, mee kill 
you! No, better ly somewhere, and Shoot a man, and hee no 
see! That the best Soldier! Then they fell to Coaksing the 
Captain, with as many Fine Words as the Fox in the Fable 
had for the Allurement of his Prey unto him; and urged 
mightily, that Ensign Hill, who stood with the Flag of Truce, ^ 
might stand a little nearer their Army. The Captain, for a 
Good Reason, to be presently discerned, would not allow That : 
whereupon they fell to Threatning and Raging, like so many 
Defeated Devils, using these Words, Damn ye, we'll cut you 
as small as Tobacco, before to morrow Morning. The Cap- 
tain bid 'em to make Hast, for he wanted work; so, the Indian 
throwing his Flag on the Ground, ran away, and Ensign Hill 
nimbly Stripping his Flag ran into the Valley, but the Salvages 
presently Fired, from an Ambushment behind a Hill, near the 
place, where they had urged for a Parley. 

And now for poor John Diamond! the Enemy Retreating 
(which opportunity the Sloops took, to Burn down the Danger- 
ous Hay-Stock,) into the plain, out of Gun-shot, they fell to 
Torturing their Captive John Diamond, after a manner very 
Diabohcal. They Stripped him, they Scalped him ahve, and 

1 John Hill of Saco. 


after a Castration, they Finished that Article in the Punish- 
ment of Traitors upon him ; they Sht him with Knives, between 
his Fingers and his Toes ; They made cruel Gashes in the most 
Fleshy parts of his Body, and stuck the Gashes with Firebrands, 
which were afterwards found Sticking in the wounds. Thus 
they Butchered One poor Englishman, with all the Fury that 
they would have spent upon them all; and performed an Ex- 
ploit, for Five Hundred Furies to brag of, at their coming home. 
Ghastly to Express! what was it then to Suffer? They Re- 
turned then unto the Garrison, and kept Firing at it now and 
then, till near Ten a Clock at Night; when they all marched 
off, leaving behind 'em some of their Dead; whereof one was 
Monsieur Labocree, who had about his Neck a Pouch with 
about a Dozen Reliques ingeniously made up, and a Printed 
Paper of Indulgencies, and several other Implements; but it 
seems none of the Amulets about his Neck would save him 
from a Mortal Shot in the Head. Thus in Forty-Eight Hours, 
was Finished an Action as Worthy to be Related, as perhaps 
any that occurs in our Story. Ajid it was not long before the 
Valiant Gouge, who bore his part in this Action, did another 
that was not much inferiour to it, when he suddenly Recovered 
from the French a valuable prey, which they had newly taken 
upon our Coast. 

I doubt. Reader, we have had this Article of our History 
a little too long. We will finish it, when we have Remark'd, 
That albeit there were too much Feebleness discovered by my 
Countrymen, in some of their Actions, during this War at Sea, 
as well as on Shore, yet several of their Actions, especially at 
Sea, deserve to be Remembered. And I cannot but particu- 
larly bespeak a Remembrance, for the Exploit performed by 
some of my Neighbours, in a Vessel going into Barbadoes. 
They were in sight of Barbadoes assaulted by a French Vessel, 
which had a good number of Guns, and between Sixty and 
Seventy Hands. Our Vessel had Four Guns, and Eight Fight- 
ing Men (Truly such!) with two Tawny Servants. The 
Names of these Men were Barret, Sunderland, Knoles, Nash, 
Morgan, Fosdyke, and Two more, that I now forget. A des- 
perate Engagement ensued; wherein our Eight Marriners 
managed the matter with such Bravery, that by the Help of 
Heaven they kill'd between Thirty and Forty of the French 


Assailants, without losing one of their own little Number: 
And they sank the French Vessel, which lay by their side, out 
of which they took Twenty-Seven prisoners, whereof some 
were wounded, and all ciying for Quarter. In the Fight the 
French Pennant, being by the wind fastned about the Top- 
mast of the English Vessel, it was torn off by the sinking of 
the French Vessel, and left pleasantly fl3dng there. So they 
sail'd into Barbadoes, where the Assembly voted them one 
Publick Acknowledgment, of their Courage and Conduct, in 
this Brave Action, and our History now gives them Another. 

Article XVII. 

The Fort at Pemmaquid. 

His Excellency Sir William Phips being arrived now the 
Governour of New-England,^ applied himself with all possible 
Vigour, to carry on the War : And the Advice of a New Slaughter 
some time in July made by the Indians, on certain poor Hus- 
bandmen in their Meadows, at the North Side of Merrimack- 
River, put an Accent upon the Zeal of the Designs, which he 
was now vigorously prosecuting. He Raised about Four 
Hundred and Fifty Men, and in pursuance of his Instructions 
from Whitehall, he laid the Foundations of a Fort at Pemma- 
quid, which was the Finest Thing that had been seen in these 
parts of America.^ Captain Wing, assisted with Captain Ban- 
croft, went through the former part of the Work; and the 
latter part of it was Finished by Captain March. His Excel- 
lency, attended in this matter with these worthy Captains, 
did, in a few Months, dispatch a Service for the King, with a 
Prudence, and Industry, and Thriftiness, Greater than any 
Reward they ever had for it. The Fort, called The William 
Henry, was built of Stone, in a Quadrangular Figure; being 
about Seven hundred and thirty-seven Foot in Compass, 
without the Outer Walls, and an Hundred and Eight Foot 
Square, within the Inner ones; Twenty-Eight Ports it had, and 
Fourteen (if not Eighteen) Guns mounted, whereof Six were 

^ Governor Phips arrived at Boston on Saturday, May 14, 1692. 

» Early in August, 1692. Extensive remains of the fort are still to be seen. 


Eighteen-Pounders. The Wall on the South Line, fronting to 
the Sea, was Twenty-Two Foot High, and more than Six Foot 
Thick at the Ports, which were Eight Foot from the Ground. 
The Great Flanker or Round Tower, at the Western End of 
this Line, was Twenty-Nine Foot High. The Wall on the 
East line, was Twelve Foot High, on the North it was Ten, on 
the West it was Eighteen. It was Computed, that in the 
whole, there were laid above Two Thousand Cart-Loads of 
Stone. It stood about a Score of Rods from High-Water 
Mark; and it had generally at least Sixty men posted in it, for 
its Defence, which if they were Men, might easily have main- 
tained it against more than Twice Six Hundred Assailants. 
Yea, we were almost Ready to flatter our selves that we 
might have writ on the Gates of this Fort, as the French did 
over that of Namur, (yet afterwards taken by K. WilHam) 
Reddi, non Vinci 'potest} Now, as the Architect, that built 
the Strong Fortress at Name in Poland, had, for his Recom- 
pence, his Eyes put out, lest he should build such another; 
Sir WiUiam Phips was almost as hardly Recompenced, for the 
Building of This at Pammaquid. Although this Fort thus 
Erected in the Heart of the Enemies Country did so Break 
the Heart of the Enemy, that indeed they might have call'd 
it, as the French did theirs upon the River of the Illinois, the 
Fort of Crevecoeur;2 and the Tranquillity After Enjoyed by 
the Country, (which was very much more than Before) was, 
under God, much owing thereunto : Yet the Expense of main- 
taining it, when we were so much impoverished otherwise, 
made it continually complained of, as one of the Countryes 
Grievances. The Murmurings about this Fort were so Epi- 
demical, that, if we may speak in the Foolish cant of Astrology, 
and Prognosticate from the Aspect of Saturn upon Mars, at 
its Nativity, Fort William-Henry, Thou hast not long to Live! 
Before the year Ninety-Six Expire, thou shalt be demolished. 
In the mean Time, let us accompany Major Church going with 
a Company to Penobscot, where he took Five Indians; and 
afterwards, to Taconet, where the Indians discovering his 
Approach, set their own Fort on fire themselves, and flying 

1 "It may be given up but it cannot be conquered." 

2 Fort Crevecoeur was the fort which La Salle built in 1680, near the site of 
Peoria, Illinois. 


from it, left only their Corn to be destroyed by him.^ And 
so we come to the end of 1692, Only we are stopt a little, with 
a very strange Parenthesis. 

Akticle XVIII. 

A Surprising Thing laid before the Reader for him to Judge, (if 
he can) what to make of it. 

Reader, I must now address thee, with the Words of a Poet : 

Dicam Insigne Recens, adhuc 
Indictum ore alio. Horat.^ 

But with Truths more confirmed, than what uses to come 
from the Pen of a Poet. The Story of the Prodigious War, 
made by the Spirits of the Invisible World upon the People of 
New-England, in the year, 1692, hath Entertain'd a great part 
of the English World, with a just Astonishment: and I have 
met with some Strange Things, not here to be mentioned, 
which have made me often think, that this inexplicable War 
might have some of its Original among the Indians, whose 
chief Sagamores are well known unto some of our Captives, 
to have been horrid Sorcerers, and hellish Conjurers and such 
as Conversed with Daemons. The Sum of that Story is written 
in The Life of Sir William Phips; with such Irreproachable 
Truth, as to Defy the utmost Malice and Cunning of all our 
Sadduces, to Confute it, in so much as one Material Article: 
And that the Balant, and Latrant Noises of that sort of Peo- 
ple, may be forever Silenced, the Story will be abundantly 
Justified, when the further Account written of it, by Mr. John 
Hale, shall be published : For none can suspect a Gentleman, 
so full of Dissatisfaction, at the proceedings then used against 
the Supposed Witchcrafts, as Now that Reverend Person is, 
to be a Superstitious Writer upon that Subject.^ 

* This was the third eastern expedition of Benjamin Church. See his 
Entertaining Passages, pp. 82-86. The site of the Teconnet fort is in Winslow, 
Maine, well up the Kennebec River. 

2 "I will sing a notable event, hitherto unsung by any other lips." Horace, 
Odes, III. 25, V. 7. 

3 Rev. John Hale's Modest Enquiry into the Nature of Witchcraft was pub- 
lished at Boston in 1702. The narrative parts of it will be reprinted in the next 


Now in the Time of that matchless War, there fell out a 
Thing at Glocester, which falls in here most properly to be 
related: A town so Scituated, Surrounded, and Neighboured, 
in the County of Essex, that no man in his Wits will imagine, 
that a Dozen Frenchmen and Indians would come and alarm 
the Inhabitants for Three weeks together, and Engage 'em in 
several Skirmishes, while there were two Regiments Raised, 
and a Detachment of Threescore men sent unto their Succour, 
and not one man Hurt in all the Actions, and all End unaccount- 
ably. And because the Relation will be Extraordinary, I will 
not be my self the Author of any one clause in it: but I will 
Transcribe the words of a Minister of the Gospel, who did me 
the Favour, with much critical Caution, to Examine Witnesses, 
not long after the Thing happened, and then sent me the 
Following Account. 

A Faithful Account of many Wonderful and Surprising Things which 
happened in the Town of Glocester, in the Year 1692. 

Ebenezer Bapson, about midsummer, in the year 1692, with the 
rest of his Family, almost every Night heard a Noise, as if persons 
were going and running about his House. But one Night being abroad 
late, at his Return home he saw Two men come out of his Door, and 
run from the end of the House into the Corn. But those of the Family 
told him, there had been no person at all there: whereupon he got 
his Gun, and went out in pursuit after them, and coming a little 
Distance from the House, he saw the Two men start up from behind 
a Log, and run into a little Swamp, saying to each other, " The Man 
of the House is Come now, Else we might have taken the House." So, 
he heard nor saw no more of them. 

Upon this, the whole Family got up, and went with all speed, to 
a Garrison near by; and being just got into the Garrison, they heard 
men Stamping round the Garrison: Whereupon Bapson took his 
Gun, and ran out, and saw Two men again Running down an Hill 
into a Swamp. The next Night but one, the said Bapson going toward 
a fresh Meadow, saw Two men, which looked like Frenchmen, one of 
them having a Bright Gun upon his Back, and both running a great 
pace towards him, which caused him to make the best of his way to 
the Garrison, where being come, several heard a Noise, as if men 
were Stamping and Running, not far from the Garrison. Within a 

volume of this series, Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, to which the reader is 
referred for fuller accounts of this painful episode of 1692-1693. 


Night or two after this, the persons in the Garrison heard a Noise, 
as if men were throwing Stones against the Barn. Not long after this, 
Bapson, with John Brown, saw Three men, about a Gun-shot off the 
Garrison, which they endeavoured to Shoot at, but were disappointed 
by their Running to and fro, from the Corn into the Bushes. They 
were seen Two or Three Nights together: but though the abovesaid 
strove to shoot at them, they could never attain it. On July 14, 
Bapson and Brown, with the rest of the men in the Garrison, saw, 
within Gun-shot, half a dozen men; whereupon all the men, but one, 
made hast out of the Garrison, marching towards them. Bapson 
presently overtook two of them, which run out of the Bushes, and 
coming close to them, he presented his Gun at them, and his Gun 
missing fire, the two men Returned into the Bushes. Bapson then 
called unto the other persons, which were on the other side of the 
Swamp, and upon his call, they made Answer, " Here they are ! Here 
they arel '* Bapson then running to meet them. Saw Three men walk 
softly out of the Swamp by each other's Side; the middlemost having 
on a white Wastcoat. So being within Two or Three Rod of them, 
he Shot, and as soon as his Gun was off, they all fell down. Bapson 
then running to his supposed prey, cried out unto his Companions, 
whom he heard on the other side of the Swamp, and said, he had 
kill'd Three! he had kill'd Three! But coming almost unto them, 
they all rose up, and one of them Shot at him, and hearing the Bullet 
whiss by him, he ran behind a Tree, and Loaded his Gun, and seeing 
them lye behind a Log, he crept toward them again, telling his Com- 
panions, they were here! So, his Companions came up to him, and 
they all Ran directly to the Log, with all speed; but before they got 
thither, they saw them start up, and run every man his way; One of 
them run into the Corn, whom they pursued, and hemm'd in; and 
Bapson seeing him coming toward himself. Shot at him, as he was 
getting over the Fence, and saw him fall off the Fence on the Ground, 
but when he came to the Spot, he could not find him. So they all 
searched the Corn; and as they were searching, they heard a great 
Discoursing in the Swamp, but could not understand what they said; 
for they spoke in an unknown Tongue. Afterwards, looking out 
from the Garrison, they saw several men Sculking among the Corn, 
and Bushes, but could not get a Shot at them. 

The next morning, just at Day-break, they saw one man come 
out of the Swamp, not far from the Garrison, and stand close up 
against the Fence, within Gun-shot. Whereupon Isaac Prince, with 
a long Gun, shot at him with Swan-shot, and in a moment he was 
gone out of sight, they saw him no more. Upon this, Bapson went, 
to carry News to the Harbour; and being about Half a mile in his 


way thither, he heard a Gun go off, and heard a Bullet whiss close 
by his Ear, which Cut off a Pine bush just by him, and the Bullet 
lodg'd in an Hemlock-Tree. Then looking about, he saw Four men 
Running towards him, one with a Gun in his Hand, and the other 
with Guns on their Shoulders. So he ran into the Bushes, and turn- 
ing about, shot at them, and then ran away and saw them no more. 
About Six men returned from the Harbour with him, searching the 
woods as they went; and they saw, where the Bullet had cut off the 
Pine-bush, and where it was lodg'd in the Hemlock-Tree, and they 
took the Bullet out, which is still to be seen. When they were come 
to the Garrison, they went to look for the Tracks of the Strange men, 
that had been seen, and saw several Tracks; and whilst they were 
looking on them, they saw one, which look'd like an Indian, having 
on a Blue coat, and his Hair Ty'd up behind. Standing by a Tree, 
and looking on them. But as soon as they spake to each other, he 
ran into a Swamp, and they after him, and one of them shot at him, 
but to no purpose. One of them also saw another, which look'd 
like a Frenchman, but they quickly lost the sight of him. 

July 15. Ezekiel Day, being in Company with several others, 
who were ordered to Scout the woods, when they came to a certain 
Fresh Meadow, two miles from any House, at some Distance from 
the said Meadow he saw a man, which he apprehended to be an 
Indian, cloathed in Blue; and as soon as he saw him start up and 
run away, he shot at him; whereupon he saw another rise up a little 
way off, who also run with speed; which, together with the former, 
were quickly out of sight; and though himself, together with his 
Companions, diligently sought after them, they could not find them. 
The same Day John Hammond, with several other persons. Scouting 
in the woods, saw another of these Strange men, having on a blue 
Shirt, and white Breeches, and something about his Head; but could 
not overtake him. 

July 17. Three or Four of these Unaccountable Troublers came 
near the Garrison; but they could not get a shot at them. Richard 
DoUiver, also, and Benjamin Ellary, creeping down an Hill, upon 
Discovery, saw several men come out of an Orchard, walking back- 
ward and forward, and striking with a stick upon John Row's Deserted 
House, (the Noise of which, was heard by others at a Considerable 
Distance;) Ellary counting them, to be Eleven in all; Dolliver Shot 
at the midst of them, where they stood Thickest, and immediately 
they dispersed themselves, and were quickly gone out of sight. 

July 18. Which was the Time that Major Appleton sent about 
Sixty men, from Ipswich, for the Towns Assistance, under these in- 
explicable Alarms, which they had suffered Night and Day, for about 


a Fortnight together; John Day testifies, that he went in Company 
with Ipswich and Gloucester Forces, to a Garrison, about Two miles 
and an Half, from the Town; and News being brought in, that Guns 
went off, in a Swamp not far from the Garrison, some of the men, 
with himself, ran to discover what they could; and when he came to 
the Head of the Swamp, he saw a man with a Blue Shirt, and bushy 
black Hair, run out of the Swamp, and into the Woods; he ran after 
him, with all speed, and came several Times within shot of him: but 
the woods being Thick, he could not obtain his Design of Shooting 
him; at length, he was at once gone out of sight; and when after- 
wards, he went to look for his Track, he could find none, though it 
were a low miry place, that he ran over. 

About July 25, Bapson went into the Woods, after his Cattel, 
and saw Three men stand upon a point of Rocks, which look'd toward 
the Sea. So he crept among the Bushes, till he came within Forty 
yards of them: and then presented his Gun at them, and Snapt, but 
his Gun miss'd Fire, and so it did above a Dozen Times, till they all 
Three came up towards him, walking a slow pace, one of them having 
a Gun upon his Back. Nor did they take any more Notice of him, 
than just to give him a Look; though he snapt his Gun at them, all 
the while they walked toward him, and by him; neither did they 
quicken their pace at all, but went into a parcel of Bushes, and he 
saw them no more. When he came home, he snapt his Gun several 
Times, sometimes with but a few Corns of Powder, and yet it did not 
once miss Fire. — After this, there occurred several Strange Things; 
but now concluding they were but Spectres, they took little further 
Notice of them. 

[Several other Testimonies, all to the same Effect with the Fore- 
going, my Friend had added, which for brevity I omit: and only add, 
the most considerable of these passages were afterward Sworn before 
one of Their Majesties council.] 

Reverend and truly Honoured Sir, According to your Request, 
I have Collected a brief Account of the Occurrences, remark'd in our 
Town, the last year. Some of them are very Admirable Things, and 
yet no less True than Strange, if we may Believe the Assertions of 
Credible persons. Tho' because of Great Hast, it is a rough Draught, 
yet there is nothing written, but what the persons mentioned would, 
if duely called, confirm the Truth of, by Oath. 

I might have given you a larger Account; only several who Saw 
and Heard some of the most Remarkable things, are now beyond Sea. 
However, I hope, the Substance of what is written, will be enough to 
Satisfy all Rational Persons, that Glocester was not Alarumed last 
Summer, for above a Fortnight together, by real French and Indians, 


but that the Devil and his Agents were the cause of all the Molesta- 
tion, which at this Time befel the Town; in the Name of whose In- 
habitants I would take upon me, to Entreat your Earnest Prayers to 
the Father of mercies, that those Apparitions may not prove the sad 
Omens of some future and more horrible Molestations to them. 
May 19. 1693. Sir, 

Your very Humble Servant, 

J. E.i 

Now Reader, albeit that passage of the Sacred Story, 
2 Chron. 20 : 22. The Lord set Ambushments against the Children 
of Ammon, Moah, and Mount Seir, and they were Smitten; is 
by the best Expositors thus understood; that there was the 
Ministry of the Holy Angels wondrously employ'd in this 
matter; the Angels in the Shape of Moabites and Ammonites 
fell upon them of Mount Sier, and upon this apprehended prov- 
ocation they then all fell upon one another, until the whole 
Army was destroyed : Nevertheless I entirely refer it unto thy 
judgment, (without the least offer of my own) whether Satan 
did not now Set Ambushments against the Good People of 
Glocester, with Daemons, in the Shape of Armed Indians and 
Frenchmen appearing to considerable Numbers of the In- 
habitants and mutually Firing upon them, for the best part 
of a Month together. I know, the most Considerate Gentle- 
men in the Neighbourhood, unto this Day, Believe this whole 
matter to have been a Prodigious piece of the Strange Descent 
from the Invisible World, then made upon other parts of the 
Country. And the publication of this Prodigy among other 
Wonders of the Invisible World among us, has been Delay'd 
until Now, that so the Opinion of our most considerate Gentle- 
men about it, might have Time for a thorough Concoction: 
and that the Gentlemen of the Order of St. Thomas, may have 
no Objection to make against it. But, be it what it will, they 
are not a few profane Squibs from the Sons of the Extravagant 
Bekkar,^ that will be a fit Explication for Things thus At- 
tested, and so very Marvellous. 

1 Rev. John Emerson of Gloucester. 

^Balthasar Bekker (1634-1698), Dutch theologian, who in his De Betoo- 
verde Wereld ("The Enchanted World," Leeuwarden, 1691, and various other 
editions and translations) combated valiantly the current notions respecting 


Article XIX. 
Pacem, Te Poscimus Omnes} 

In the year 1693 his Excellency sent away Captain Converse, 
to draw off the fittest of the OjSicers and Soldiers, quartered in 
the East, for a March, and causing about Three Hundred and 
Fifty more to be Levied, gave him, what he had merited above 
a year ago; even a Commission of Major, and Commander in 
Chief over these Forces. While Major Converse was at Wells, 
hearing of some Indians, that were seen in the Woods, he Sur- 
prised them all; and finding that they had cut off a poor 
Family at Oyster River,^ he gave the chief of them some- 
thing of what they also had merited. Going to Pemmaquid, 
after some service there, they Sailed up Sheepscote River, and 
then marched through the Woods to Taconet, which being 
Deserted by the Indians, they ranged through many other 
Woods; but could meet with none of their Enemies. Repair- 
ing then to Saco, they began another Fort, which was carried 
on by that worthy Gentleman Major Hook,^ and the truly 
commendable Captain Hill, and proved a matter of Good Con- 
sequence unto the Province. While these Things were doing, 
sometime in July, the Straggling Indians did some Spoil upon 
Quaboag,^ a remote Village, in the Road unto Connecticut: 
but Advice being dispatch'd unto the Towns upon Connecticut- 
River, a party immediately Sally'd out after the Spoilers, and 
leaving their Horses at the Entrance of a Swamp, whither by 
their Track they had followed them, they come upon the Secure 
Adversary, and kill'd the most of them, and Recovered the 
Captives, with their Plunder; and Returning home, had some 
Reward for so brisk an Action. 

But now, the Indians in the East, probably Disheartened 
by the Forts Erecting that were like to prove a sore Annoyance 
to them, in their Enterprizes; and by the Fear of wanting 
Ammunition, with other Provisions, which the French were 
not so Able just now to dispence unto them ; and by a presump- 

' "We all sue thee for peace." ^ Durham, New Hampshire. 

3 Francis Hooke, a member of the provincial council. 
* Brookfield, Massachusetts. 


tion that an Army of Maqua's, (part of those Terrible Cannibals 
to the Westward, whereof 'tis affirmed by those who have 
published the Stories of their Travels among them, That they 
have destroy'd no less than Two Million Salvages of other 
Nations about them, through their being Supplied with Fire- 
Arms, before Hundreds of other Nations lying between them, 
and the River Meschasippi)^ was come into their Country, 
because they found some of their Squa's killed upon a Whortle- 
berry Plain: and all the charms of the French Fryar, then 
Resident among them,^ could not hinder them, from Suing 
to the English for Peace. And the English, being so involved 
in Debts, that they Scarce knew how to prosecute the War 
any further, took some Notice of their Suit. Accordingly, a 
Peace was made, upon the Ensuing Articles.^ 

Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New-England. 

The Submission and Agreement of the Eastern Indians at Fort William 
Henry in Pemmaquid, the 11th day of August, in the Fifth year of 
the Reign of our Soveraign Lord and Lady, William and Mary, by 
the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King 
and Queen, Defenders of the Faith, etc. 1693. 

Whereas a Bloody War has for some years now past been made 
and carried on by the Indians within the Eastern parts of the said 
Province, against Their Majesties Subjects the English, through the 
Instigation and Influences of the French; and being sensible of the 
Miseries which we and our People are reduced unto, by adhering to 
their ill Council: We whose names are hereunto Subscribed, being 
Sagamores and Chief Captains of all the Indians belonging to the 
several Rivers of Penobscote and Kennebeck, Amarascogin, and 
Saco, parts of the said Province of the Massachusets Bay, within 
Their said Majesties Soveraignty, Having made Application unto his 
Excellency Sir William Phips, Captain General and Governour in 
Chief in and over the said Province, that the War may be put to an 
End; Do lay down our Arms, and cast our selves upon Their said 

1 Mississippi. 

2 The reference is to Father Pierre Thury, missionary at Pentagoet (Cas- 
tine, Maine), but he was a seminary priest, not a friar. 

^ This peace had been forwarded by the fact that Count Frontenac, en- 
gaged in war with the Mohawks or Five Nations in New York, had summoned 
to his aid many French who had been busy among the Indians of the East. The 
failure of Iberville to attack Pemaquid in 1693 when he had an advantage also 
encouraged the peace party among the Abenakis headed by Madockawando. 


Majesties Grace and Favour. And each of us respectively for our 
selves, and in the Name and with the free consent of all the Indians 
belonging unto the several Rivers aforesaid, and of all other Indians 
within the said Province of and from Merrimack River, unto the 
most Easterly Bounds of the said Province; hereby acknowledging 
our hearty Subjection and Obedience unto the Crown of England; 
and do solemnly Covenant, Promise and Agree, to and with the said 
Sir William Phips, and his Successors, in the place of Captain General 
and Governour in Chief of the aforesaid Province or Territory, on 
Their said Majesties behalf, in manner following, viz. 

That at all time and times for ever, from and after the date of 
these Presents, we will cease and forbear all acts of Hostility towards 
the Subjects of the Crown of England, and not offer the least hurt or 
violence to them or any of them in their Persons or Estate : But will 
henceforward hold and maintain a firm and constant Amity and 
Friendship with all the English. 

Item. We abandon and forsake the French Interest, and will 
not in any wise adhere to, join with, aid or assist them in their Wars, 
or Designs against the English, nor countenance, succour, or conceal 
any of the Enemy Indians of Canada or other places, that shall 
happen to come to any of our Plantations within the English Terri- 
tory, but secure them if in our power, and deliver them up unto the 

That all English Captives in the hands or power of any of the 
Indians within the Limits aforesaid, shall with all possible speed be 
set at liberty, and returned home without any Ransom or Payment 
to be made or given for them or any of them. 

That Their Majesties Subjects the English, shall and may peace- 
ably and quietly enter upon, improve, and for ever enjoy, all and 
singular their Rights of Lands, and former Settlements and posses- 
sions within the Eastern parts of the said Province of the Massa- 
chusets Bay, without any pretensions or claims by us, or any other 
Indians, and be in no wise molested, interrupted, or disturbed therein. 

That all Trade and Commerce, which hereafter may be allowed 
between the English and Indians, shall be under such Management 
and Regulation as may be stated by an Act of the General Assembly, 
or as the Governour of the said Province for the time being, with the 
Advice and Consent of the Council, shall see cause to Direct and 

If any controversie, or difference, at any time hereafter happen 
to arise between any of the English and Indians for any real or sup- 
posed wrong or injury done on one side or the other, no private Re- 
venge shall be taken by the Indians for the same, but proper Appli- 
cation be made to Their Majesties Government, upon the place, for 


Remedy thereof in a due course of Justice, we hereby submitting our 
selves to be ruled and governed by Their Majesties Laws, and desire 
to have the benefit of the same. 

For the more full manifestation of our sincerity and integrity in 
all that which we have herein before Covenanted and Promised, we 
do deliver unto Sir William Phips, their Majesties Governour as afore- 
said, Ahassombamett, Brother to Edgeremett, Wenongahewitt, 
Cousin to Madockawando, and Edgeremett, and Bagatawawongon, 
also^ Sheepscoat John, to abide and remain in the Custody of the 
English, where the Governour shall direct, as Hostages or Pledges, 
for our Fidelity, and true performance of all and every the foregoing 
Articles, reserving Liberty to exchange them in some reasonable time 
for a like number, to the acceptance of the Governour and Council of 
the said Province, so they be persons of as good account, and esteem 
amongst the Indians, as those which are to be exchanged. In Testi- 
mony whereof, we have hereunto set our several Marks and Seals, 
the Day and Year first above-written. 

The above-written Instrument was deliberately read over, and 
the several Articles and Clauses thereof interpreted unto the Indians, 
who said they well understood, and consented thereunto, and was 
then Signed, Sealed, and Delivered in the Presence of us, 

John Wing. 
Nicholas Manning. 
Benjamin Jackson. 
Wassambomet of Navidgwock. 
Wenobson of Teconnet in behalf of Moxus. 
Ketterramogis of Narridgwock. 
Ahanquit of Penobscot, 
Robin Doney. 

Paquaharet, alias, Nathaniel. 
John Hornybrook, 
John Bagatawawongo, alias, 
Sheepscoat John. 
Phill. Ounsakis, Squaw. 


^ From what appears in the signatures below, it seems clear that this word 
should be alias. 


Article XX. 

Bloody Fishing at Oyster River; ^ and Sad Work at Groton. 

A Years Breathing Time was a great Favour of Heaven to 
a Country quite out of Breath, with Numberless Calamities: 
But the Favour was not so Thankfully Enjoyed, as it should 
have been. And now, The Clouds Return after the Rain. 
The Spectre that with Burning Tongs drove Xerxes to his War 
upon the Grsecians,^ had not lost his Influence upon our In- 
dians. The Perfidy of the Indians appeared first, in their not 
Restoring the English Captives according to their Covenant; 
but the perfidious Wretches Excused this, with many Protesta- 
tions. That which added unto our Jealousies about them, was, 
their Insolent carriage towards a Sloop, commanded by Cap- 
tain Wing; and the Information of a Fellow called Hector, 
that the Indians intended most certainly to break the Peace, 
and had promised the French Priests, taking the Sacrament 
thereupon, to destroy the first English Town they could 
Surprize. Rumours of Indians Lurking about some of the 
Frontier-Plantations, now began to put the poor people into 
Consternation; but upon an Imagination that they were only 
certain Bever-Hunters, the Consternation of the people went off 
into Security. 'Tis affirmed by English Captives, which were 
then at Canada, that the Desolation of Oyster River was com- 
monly talk'd in the Streets of Quebec, Two months before it 
was Effected; for the Spies had found no Town so Secure as 
That. And now what was Talk'd at Quebec in the month 
of May, must be Done at Oyster River in the month of July; 
for on Wednesday, July 18, 1694, the Treacherous Enemy 
with a great Army fell upon that Place, about break of day, 
and Kiird and Captiv'd Ninety Four, (or, an Hundred) per- 
sons; about a Score of whom were men belonging to the 
Trained Band of the Town. Several persons Remarkably 
Escaped this Bloody Deluge, but none with more Bravery than 
one Thomas Bickford, who had an House, a Little Pallisado'd, 

^Oyster River, the present Durham, was about twelve miles from PortS' 
mouth, New Hampshire. 
8 Herodotus, VII. 18. 


by the River Side, but no man in it besides himself. He dex- 
terously put his Wife, and Mother, and Children aboard a 
Canoo, and Sending them down the River, he Alone betook 
himself to the Defence of his House, against many Indians, that 
made an Assault upon him. They first would have perswaded 
him, with many fair Promises, and then terrified him with as 
many Fierce Threatnings, to yield himself; but he flouted and 
fired at them, daring 'em, to come if they durst. His main 
Stratagem was, to Change his Livery as frequently as he could; 
appearing Sometimes in one Coat, Sometimes in another, 
Sometimes in an Hat, and Sometimes in a Cap ; which caused 
his Besiegers to mistake this One for Many Defendants. In 
fine. The pitiful Wretches, despairing to Beat him out of his 
House, e'en left him in it; whereas many that opened unto 
them, upon their Solemn Engagements of giving them Life 
and Good Quarter, were barbarously butchered by them; and 
the Wife of one Adams, then with Child, was with horrible 
Barbarity Ripped up. And thus there was an End of the 
Peace made at Pemmaquid! Upon this, the Friends of Mrs. 
Ursula Cutt, (widow of Mr. John Cutt, formerly President of 
New-Hampshire,) desired her, to leave her Farm, which was 
about a Mile above the Bank Exposed to the Enemy, on the 
south side of Piscataqua River. She thank'd them for their 
Care; but added, that she believed, the Enemy had now done 
their Do for this Time; and however, by the End of the Week, 
her Business at the Farm would be all dispatched, and on 
Saturday, she would Repair to her Friends at the Bank. But, 
alas ! before the End of the week, she saw the End of her Life : 
On Saturday, about one or two a Clock in the Afternoon, the 
Business at the Farm was Dispatched sure enough! The 
Indians Then Eall'd this Gentlewoman and Three other Peo- 
ple, a little before they had Finished a point of Husbandry 
then in their Hands. Nor did the Storm go over so: Some 
Drops of it fell upon the Town of Groton, a Town that lay, 
one would think, far enough off the place where was the last 
Scene of the Tragedy. On July 27, About break of Day 
Groton felt some Surprizing Blows from the Indian Hatchets. 
They began their Attacks at the House of one Lieutenant Lakin, 
in the out-skirts of the Town; but met with a Repulse there, 
and lost one of their Crew. Nevertheless, in other parts of 


that Plantation, (when the Good people had been so tired out, 
as to lay down their Military Watch) there were more than 
Twenty persons killed, and more than a Dozen carried away. 
Mr. Gershom Hobart, the Minister of the place, with part of 
his Family, was Remarkably preserved from falling into their 
Hands, when they made themselves the Masters of his House; 
though they Took Two of his Children, whereof the one was 
killed, and the other some Time after happily Rescued out of 
his Captivity. 

I remember, the Jews in their Book Taanith?- tell us. The 
Elders Proclaimed a Fast in their Cities on this Occasion, be- 
cause the Wolves had Devoured two Little Children beyond 
Jordan. Truly, the Elders of New-England were not a little 
concerned at it, when they saw the Wolves thus devouring their 
Children, even on this side of Merrimack! 

Article XXI. 

M(yre English Blood Swallowed, hut Revenged. 

Reader, we must after This, ever Now and Then, Expect 
the happening of some unhappy Accident. The Blood thirsty 
Salvages, not content with quaffing the Blood of Two or Three 
persons, found at work, in a Field at Spruce creek, on Aug. 20, 
and of another person at York, the same day, (Captivating 
also a Lad, which they found with him;) They did on Aug. 24, 
Kill and Take Eight persons at Kittery. Here, a little Girl 
about Seven years old, the Daughter of one Mr. Downing, fell 
into their Barbarous Hands; they knock'd her o'th' Head, and 
barbarously Scalped her, leaving her on the Cold Ground, (and 
it was then very Cold, beyond what use to be,) where she 
lay all the Night Ensuing: Yet she was found Alive the Next 
Morning, and Recovering, she is to this Day Alive and well; 
only the place broke in her skull will not endure to be closed 
up. He had another Daughter, which at the same Time 
almost miraculously Escaped their Hands. But so could not 
at another Time Joseph Pike of Newbury, the Deputy Sheriff 
of Essex, who, on Sept. 4, Travelling between Amesbury and 
HaverhiL in the Execution of his Office, with one Long, they 

* A treatise on fasts, forming part of the Talmud. 


both had an Arrest of Death served upon them from an Indian 
Ambuscado. Bommaseen, a Commander of prime QuaHty 
among the Indians, who had set his Hand unto the late Articles 
of Submission, came, Nov. 19, with Two other Indians, to 
Pemmaquid, as Loving as Bears, and as Harmless as Tygres, 
pretending to be just Arrived from Canada, and much Afflicted 
for the late mischiefs, (whereof there was witness, that he was 
a principal Actor,) but Captain March with a Sufficient Activ- 
ity Seized them; as Robin Doney,^ another famous Villain 
among them, with Three more, had been Seized at Saco Fort, 
a little before. Bommaseen, was Convey'd unto Boston, that 
he might in a close Imprisonment there, have Time to consider 
of his Treacheries, and his Cruelties, for which the Justice of 
Heaven had thus Delivered him up. When he was going to 
Pemmaquid, he left his Company with a Strange Reluctancy 
and Formality, as if he had presaged the Event; and when at 
Pemmaquid he found the Event of his coming, he discovered 
a more than ordinary Disturbance of mind: his Passions 
foam'd and boil'd, like the very Waters at the Fall of Niagara. 

But being thus fallen upon the mention of that Vengeance, 
wherewith Heaven pursued the chief of the Salvage Murderers, 
it may give some Diversion unto the Reader, in the midst of a 
long and a sad Story, to insert a Relation of an Accident that 
fell out a Uttle after this Time. 

The Indians, (as the Captives inform us) being hungry, and 
hardly bestead, passed through deserted Casco, w^here they 
spied several Horses in Captain Bracket's Orchard. Their 
famish'd Squa's begg'd them Shoot the Horses, that they might 
be revived with a little Roast-meat ; but the young men were 
for having a little Sport before their Supper. Driving the 
Horses into a Pond, they took one of them, and furnished him 
with an Halter, suddenly made of the Main and the Tail of 
the Animal, which they cut off. A Son of the famous Hegon 
was ambitious to mount this Pegasaean Steed; but being a 
pittiful horseman, he ordered them, for fear of his Falling, to 
ty his Legs fast under the Horse's Belly. No sooner was this 
Beggar Set on Horse-back, and the Spark in his own opinion 

^ Perhaps a French half-breed. The seizure of Bomazeen and others coming 
under a flag of truce was regarded by the French and Indians as an act of 


thoroughly Equipt, but the Mettlesome Horse furiously and 
presently ran with him out of Sight. Neither Horse nor Man 
were ever seen any more; the astonish'd Tawnies howl'd after 
one of their Nobility, disappearing by such an unexpected 
Accident. A few Days after they found one of his Legs (and 
that was AH,) which they buried in Captain Bracket's Cellar, 
with abundance of Lamentation. 

Article XXII. 
A Conference with an Indian-Sagamore. 

But now Bommaseen is fallen into our Hands, let us have 
a little Discourse with him. 

Behold, Reader, the Troubles, and the Troublers of New- 
England! That thou may'st a little more Exactly Behold the 
Spirit of the matter, ITl Recite certain passages, occurring in a 
Discourse that pass'd between this Bommaseen (who was one 
of the Indian Princes, or Chieftains,) and a Minister of the 
Gospel,^ in the year 1696. 

Bommaseen was, with some other Indians, now a Prisoner, 
in Boston. He desired a Conference with a Minister, of Boston, 
which was granted him. Bommaseen, with the other Indians 
assenting and asserting to it, then told the Minister, That he 
pray'd his Instruction in the Christian religion; inasmuch as 
he was afraid, that the French, in the Christian Rehgion, which 
they taught the Indians, had Abused them. The minister 
Enquired of him. What of the Things taught 'em by the French, 
appear'd most Suspicious to 'em? He said, the French taught 
'em, that the Lord Jesus Christ was of the French Nation.; 
that His Mother, the Virgin Mary, was a French Lady; That 
they were the English who had Murdered him; and. That 
whereas He Rose from the Dead, and went up to the Heavens, 
all that would Recommend themselves unto His Favour, must 
Revenge His Quarrel upon the English, as far as they can. 
He ask'd the Minister, whether these Things were so; and 
pray'd the Minister to Instruct him in the True Christian 
Religion. The Minister considering, that the Humour and 
Manner of the Indians, was to have their Discourses managed 

1 Mather himself, of course. 


with much of Similitude in them; Look'd about for some 
Agreeable object, from whence he might with apt Resem- 
blances Convey the Idaeas of Truth unto the minds of Sal- 
vages; and he thought, none would be more Agreeable to 
them than a Tankard of Drink, which happened then to 
be standing on the Table. So he proceeded in this Method 
with 'em. 

He told them, (still with proper Actions painting and 
pointing out the Signs unto them,) that our Lord Jesus Christ 
had given us a Good Religion, which might be Resembled unto 
the Good Drink in the Cup upon the Table. 

That if we Take this Good Religion, (even that Good 
Drink,) into our Hearts, it will do us Good, and preserve us 
from Death. 

That God's Book, the Bible, is the Cup wherein that Good 
Drink of Religion is offered unto us. 

That the French, having the Cup of Good Drink in their 
Hands, had put Poison into it, and then made the Indians to 
Drink that Poisoned Liquor, whereupon they Run mad, and 
fell to killing of the English, though they could not but know 
it must unavoidably issue in their own Destruction at the 

That it was plain the English had put no Poison into the 
Good Drink; for they set the Cup wide open, and invited all 
men to Come and See before they taste, even the very Indians 
themselves; for we Translated the Bible into Indian. That 
they might gather from hence, that the French had put Poison 
into the Good Drink, inasmuch as the French kept the Cup 
fast shut, (the Bible in an Unknown Tongue,) and kept their 
Hands upon the Eyes of the Indians, when they put it unto 
their mouths. 

The Indians Expressing themselves to be well Satisfied, with 
what the Minister had hitherto said, pray'd him to go on, 
with showing 'em, what was the Good Drink, and what was 
the Poison, which the French had put into it. 

He then set before them distinctly the chief Articles of the 
Christian Religion, with all the Simplicity and Sincerity of a 
Protestant: Adding upon each. This is the Good Drink, in 
the Lord's Cup of Life: and they still professed, That they 
liked it all. 


Whereupon, he demonstrated unto them, how the Papists 
had in their Idolatrous Popery, some way or other Depraved 
and Alter'd every one of these Articles, with Scandalous In- 
gredients of their own Invention; Adding upon each. This is 
the Poison which the French have put into the Cup. 

At last, he mentioned this Article. 

" To obtain the Pardon of your Sins, you must confess your 
Sins to God, and pray to God, That He would Pardon your 
Sins, for the sake of Jesus Christ, who died for the Sins of His 
People: God Loves Jesus Christ infinitely; and if you place 
your Eye on Jesus Christ only, when you beg the Pardon of 
your Sins, God will Pardon them. You need confess your 
Sins to none but God, Except in cases when men have known 
your Sins, or have been Hurt by your Sins; and then those 
men should know that you confess your Sins; but after all, 
none but God can Pardon them." 

He then added, "the French have put Poison into this 
Good Drink; they tell you, that you must confess your Sins 
to a Priest, and carry skins to a Priest, and Submit unto a 
Penance enjoined by a Priest; and this Priest is to give you a 
Pardon. There is no need of all This : 'Tis nothing but French 
Poison, all of it." 

The Wretches appearing astonish'd, to meet with one who 
would so fairly put them into a glorious way to obtain the 
Pardon of their Sins, and yet take no Bever-Skins for it, in a 
Rapture of Astonishment they fell down on their knees, and 
got his Hand into theirs, and fell to kissing of it with an Ex- 
tream show of Affection. 

He shaking them off, with dislike of their posture, Bomma- 
seen, with the rest of them, stood up; and first lifting up his 
Eyes and Hands to Heaven; declaring. That God should be 
Judge of his Heart in what he said, he then said, " Sir, I thank 
you for these Things; I Resolve to Spit up all the French 
Poison; You shall be my Father; I will be your Son; I be- 
seech you, to continue to Instruct me in that Religion, which 

may bring me to the Salvation of my Soul!" Now God 

knows, what Heart this Indian had, when he so Expressed 
himself: to Him let us leave it. 

But so much for this Digression. 


Article XXIII. 
More Mischiefs in spite of Treaties. 

Except it were the Falling of Two soldiers belonging to 
Saco Garrison into the Hands of the Enemy, who Took the 
one, and Kill'd the other, some Time in March, 1695, Many 
Months pass'd away, without any Action between Them and 
Us, And it is Reported by Returned Captives, That the Hand 
of God reach' d them, when the Hand of Man could not find 
them, and a Mortal Sickness did at a Strange Rate carry off 
multitudes of them. At length, upon the Mediation of old 
Sheepscoat John, once a praying Indian, of the Reverend 
Eliot's Cathecumens, but afterwards a Pagan, and now a 
Popish Apostate, a Great Fleet of Canoos came into an Island, 
about a League from the Fort at Pemmaquid, May 20, 1695,^ 
and after they had laid still there, all the Lord's Day, on Mun- 
day morning they sent unto the English for another Treaty. 
They Declared, Their Design was to Exchange Captives, and 
Renew the Peace, and condemned themselves for their Violat- 
ing the Peace made near Two years ago. Eight Captives, 
they Immediately Delivered up ; and upon a Grant of a Truce 
for Thirty Days, Colonel John Philips, Lieut. Colonel Haw- 
thorn,^ and Major Converse, were sent Commissioners unto 
Pemmaquid, for the management of that affayr. 

Our Commissioners, with Good Reason, demanding a Sur- 
render of all the English Captives, according to former Agree- 
ment, before they would allow any New Propositions of Peace 
to be offered, the Indians, disgusted that their Idol Bommaseen 
was left at Boston, broke off the Conference, and went off in 
Discontent.^ Advice was immediately dispatch'd into all parts 
of the Eastern Country to stand well upon their Guard; not- 
withstanding which, on July 6 Major Hammond of Kittery 
fell into the Hands of the Lurking Indians; and the next week, 

^ Rutherford Island (Christmas Cove). The date should certainly be 1695, 
though the Lord's Day was the 19th; the Decennium Luctuosum gives it as 1695, 
but the reprint in the Magnolia alters this to 1693. 

2 John Hawthorn. 

3 The Indians thought that if they gave up their captives the English should 
do the same. 


Two men at Exeter were kill'd by some of the same Dangerous 
Lurkers. Major Hammond was now aboard a Canoo, intend- 
ing to put ashore at Saco; but some of the Garrison-Soldiers 
there, not knowing that they had such a good Friend aboard, 
inadvertently Fired upon the Canoo; and so the Indians car- 
ried him clear away. They transported him at length to 
Canada, where he met with Extraordinary CiviHties; Count 
Frontenac, the Governour himself, nobly purchased him of 
his Tawny master, and sent him home to New-England, by a 
Vessel, which also fetch'd from thence a Considerable Number 
(perhaps near Thirty) of English Prisoners. In August, the 
House of one Rogers at Billerica was plundered, and about 
Fifteen people Kill'd and taken, by Indians, which, by appear- 
ing and Approaching, 'tis said, on Horse-back, were not Sus- 
pected for Indians, (for, Who set them on Horse-back?) till 
they Surprized the House they came to. And about the same 
Time, Sergeant Haley, Venturing out of his Fort at Saco, Stept 
into the Snares of Death. On Sept. 9, Sergeant March, with 
Three more, were Killed by the Indians, and Six more, at the 
same Time, wounded at Pemmaquid, Rowing a Gondula, 
round an high Rocky point, above the Barbican. On Oct. 7, 
the Indians entred the House of one John Brown at Newbury, 
carrying away Nine Persons with them; whereupon Captain 
Greenlief, nimbly pursuing the Murderers, did unhappily so 
Stumble on them in the Night, that they wounded the good 
man, and made their Escape over the River. The Captain 
Retook all the Captives; but the Indians, in their going off, 
Strook them all so Violently on the Head with the Clubs, 
which I remember a French Historian somewhere calls by the 
frightful name of Head-breakers,^ that they afterwards all of 
them dyed. Except a Lad that was only hurt in the Shoulder. 
Some of them Lingred out for half a year, and some of them for 
more than a whole year; but if the Doctors closed up the 
wounds of their Heads, they would grow Light-headed, and 
Faint, and Sick, and could not bear it; so at last they Died, 
with their very Brains working out at their Wounds. 

But having thus run over a Journal of Deaths for the year 
1695, Let us before the year be quite gone, see some Vengeance 
taken upon the Heads in the House of the Wicked. Know 

^ Casse-tete is a frequent French word for tomahawk. 


then, Reader, that Captain March petitioning to be Dismiss'd 
from his Command of the Fort at Pemmaquid, one Chub^ 
Succeeded him. And this Chub found an Opportunity, in a 
pretty Chubbed manner, to kill the famous Edgeremett, and 
Abenquid, a couple of Principal Sagamores, with one or Two 
other Indians, On a Lord's-day, the Sixteenth of February. 
Some that well enough liked the Thing which was now done, 
did not altogether like the manner of doing it, because there 
was a pretence of Treaty, between Chub and the Sagamores, 
whereof he took his Advantage to lay violent Hands on them. 
If there were any unfair Dealing (which I know not) in this 
Action of Chub, there will be another February not far off, 
wherein the Avengers of Blood wiU take their Satisfaction. 

Article XXIV. 

Still Mischief upon Mischief. 

The Next whole year, namely 1696, had it not been for the 
Degree of a Famine, which the Alteration of the course of 
Nature in these, as well as other parts of the world, threatned 
us withal, would have been a Year of Less Trouble than some 
of the rest, in our Troublesome Decad. The most uneasie 
Accident of this year shall be told, when we arrive unto the 
Month of August; but in the mean Time it was a matter of 
some Uneasiness, that on May 7, one John Church of Quochecho, 
who had been a Captive, Escaped from the Hands of the In- 
dians, almost Seven years before, was now Slain and Stript by 
their Barbarous Hands; And, on June 24, one Thomas Cole, 
of Wells, and his wife, were Slain by the Indians, returning 
home with two of his Neighbours, and their Wives, all three 
Sisters, from a Visit, of their Friends at York: And, on Jun. 26, 
at several places within the Confines of Portsmouth, Several 
Persons, Twelve or Fourteen, were Massacred, (with some 
Houses Burnt,) and Four Taken, which yet were soon Retaken ; 
among whom, there was an Ancient Woman Scalpt for Dead, 
and no doubt the Salvages upon producing her Scalp, received 

^ Pascho Chubb of Andover is the person referred to. His military ability 
was hardly equal to that of his predecessor. His action at this time was bitterly 
resented by the Indians. See p. 270, post. 


the Price of her Death, from those that hired them, and yet 
she so Recovered; as to be still Alive. Moreover, on July 26, 
the Lord's-Day, the People at Quochecho returning from the 
Public Worship of God, Three of them were killed. Three of 
them were wounded, and Three of them were carried away 
Prisoners to Penobscot; which last Three were nevertheless 
in less than Three weeks returned. But now we are got into 
fatal August; on the Fifth or Sixth Day of which Month, the 
French having Taken one of the English Men of War, caUed 
the Newport,^ and Landed a few men, who jojm'd with the 
Indians, to pursue their Business, Chub, with an unaccountable 
Baseness, did Surrender the Brave Fort at Pemmaquid into 
their Hands. There were Ninety-Five men double-Armed, in 
the Fort, which might have Defended it against Nine Times 
as many Assailants; That a Fort now should be so basely 
given up! imitating the Stile of Homer and Virgil, I cannot 
help crying out, merce Novanglce, neque enim Novangli ! ^ 
and yet if you read the Story written by the Sieur Froger, how 
poorly St. James's Fort in Africa was given up to the French 
in the year 1695,^ You'll say the things done in America, are 
not so bad, as what have been done in other parts of the world. 
The Enemy having Demolished so fair a Citadel, now grown 
mighty Uppish, Triumph'd, as well they might, Exceedingly; 
and Threatned, that they would carry all before them. The 
Honourable Lieutenant Governour Stoughton, who was now 
Commander in Chief over the Province, immediately did all 
that could be done, to put a Stop unto the Fury of the Adver- 
sary. By Sea, he sent out Three Men of War, who, disadvan- 
taged by the Winds, came not soon Enough to engage the 
French. By Land, the Indians being so Posted in all quarters, 
that the People could hardly Stir out, but about half a Score 
of the poor People in their Fields here and there were pick'd 
off, he sent Colonel Gidney^ with Five Hundred men; who 
perceiving the Salvages to be drawn off, only Strengthened the 

1 The Newport, Captain Paxton, was cruising off the Bay of Fundy to in- 
tercept French supplies, when she was taken by Iberville, on his way to the cap- 
ture of Pemaquid. 

* "O mere New England women, not New England men!" 

» See p. 215, note 2. 

♦Colonel Bartholomew Gedney of Salem, one of the "witch" judges. 


Garrisons, and Returned. The Lieutenant-Go vernour, that he 
might not in any other point be wanting to the Pubhc Safety, 
hereupon dispatched Colonel Hawthorn, with a Suitable 
Number of Soldiers and Frigats unto St. John's, with orders 
to fetch away some Great Guns that were lying there, and 
join with Major Church, who was gone with Forces that way, 
to attack the Fort at St. John's, which was the Nest of all the 
Wasps that Stung us; but the Difficulty of the Cold Season so 
discouraged our men, that after the making of some few Shot, 
the Enteprize found itself imder too much Congelation to 
proceed any further. ^ So we will afflict our selves no 
further for this year; Except only with mentioning the 
Slaughter of about Five poor Soldiers, belonging to Saco-Fort, 
Oct. 13, who had a Discovery of the Enemy, Seasonable Enough 
to have made their Escape ; yet, not Agreeing about the way of 
making it, as if led by some Fatality to their Destruction, or, 
as if they had been like the Squirrels, that must run down the 
Tree, Squeaking and Crying into the mouths of the Rattle- 
snakes, that fix their Eyes upon them, they went back into 
the very path where the Indian Ambush was lying for them. 

Article XXV. 

A Notable Exploit; wherein Dux Fcemina Fadi} 

On March 15, 1697, the Salvages made a Descent upon the 
Skirts of Haverhill, Murdering and Captivating about Thirty- 
Nine Persons, and Burning about Half a Dozen Houses. In 
this Broil, one Hannah Dustan, having lain in about a Week, 
attended with her Nurse, Mary Neff, a Widow, a Body of 
Terrible Indians drew near unto the House, where she lay, 
with Designs to carry on their Bloody Devastations. Her 
Husband hastened from his Employments abroad, unto the 
Relief of his Distressed Family; and first bidding Seven of his 
Eight children (which were from Two to Seventeen years of 
Age) to get away as fast as they could, unto some Garrison in 

^ Church, Entertaining Passages, pp. 88-99, makes the enterprise much more 
of a success. 

2 "A woman the leader in the achievement." This story of Hannah Dustan 
is confirmed by John Pike in his contemporary Journal. 


the Town, he went in, to inform his Wife of the horrible Dis- 
tress come upon them. E'er she could get up, the fierce Indians 
were got so near, that utterly despairing to do her any Service, 
he ran out after his Children; Resolving that on the Horse, 
which he had with him, he would Ride away with That which 
he should in this Extremity find his Affections to pitch most 
upon, and leave the Rest unto the care of the Divine Providence. 
He overtook his Children about Forty Rod from his Door; but 
then, such was the Agony of his Parental Affections, that he 
found it impossible for him to Distinguish any one of them 
from the rest; wherefore he took up a Courageous Resolution 
to Live and dy with them all. A party of Indians came up 
with him; and now, though they Fired at him, and he Fired 
at them, yet he manfully kept at the Reer of his Little Army of 
Unarmed Children, while they Marched off, with the pace of 
a Child of Five years old ; until, by the Singular Providence of 
God, he arrived safe with them all, unto a place of Safety, 
about a Mile or two from his House. But his House must in 
the mean Time have more dismal Tragedies acted at it. The 
Nurse trying to Escape, with the New-born Infant, fell into 
the Hands of the Formidable Salvages; and those furious 
Tawnies coming into the House, bid poor Dustan to Rise 
Immediately. Full of Astonishment, she did so; and sitting 
down in the Chimney with an Heart full of most fearful Ex- 
pectation, she saw the Raging Dragons riffle all that they 
could carry away, and set the House on Fire. About Nine- 
teen or Twenty Indians now led these away, with about Half 
a Score other English Captives; but e'er they had gone many 
Steps, they dash'd out the Brains of the Infant, against a Tree; 
and several of the other Captives, as they began to Tire in the 
sad Journey, were soon sent unto their Long Home; the Sal- 
vages would presently bury their Hatchets in their Brains, 
and leave their Carcases on the Ground for Birds and Beasts 
to feed upon. However, Dustan (with her Nurse), notwith- 
standing her present Condition, Travelled that Night, about a 
Dozen MUes, and then kept up with their New Masters in a 
long Travel of an Hundred and Fifty Miles, more or less, 
within a few Days Ensuing, without any sensible Damage, in 
their Health, from the Hardships of their Travel, their Lodging, 
their Diet, and their many other Difficulties. 


These Two poor Women were now in the Hands of those, 
whose Tender Mercies are Cruelties; but the Good God, who 
hath all Hearts in His own Hands, heard the Sighs of these 
Prisoners, and gave them to find unexpected Favour from the 
Master, who laid claim unto them. That Indian Family con- 
sisted of Twelve Persons; Two Stout men. Three Women, and 
Seven Children ; and for the Shame of many an English Family, 
that has the Character of Prayerless upon it, I must now Pub- 
lish what these poor Women assure me: 'Tis this; In Obedi- 
ence to the Instructions which the French have given them, 
they would have Prayers in their Family, no less than Thrice 
Every Day; in the Morning, at Noon, and in the Evening; 
nor would they ordinarily let their Children Eat or Sleep, 
without first saying their Prayers. Indeed these Idolaters 
were like the rest of their whiter Brethren, Persecutors; and 
would not endure, that these poor Women should Retire to 
their English Prayers, if they could hinder them. Neverthe- 
less, the poor Women had nothing but fervent Prayers, to make 
their Lives Comfortable, or Tolerable; and by being daily 
sent out, upon Business, they had Opportunities together and 
asunder, to do like another Hannah, in Pouring out their Souls 
before the Lord: Nor did their praying Friends among our 
selves, forbear to Pour out Supplications for them. Now, 
they could not observe it without some wonder, that their 
Indian Master, sometimes, when he saw them Dejected, would 
say unto them, "What need you Trouble your self? If your 
God will have you delivered, you shall be so!" And it seems, 
our God would have it so to be. This Indian Family was now 
Travelling with these Two Captive Women, (and an English 
youth, taken from Worcester, a year and half before,) unto a 
Rendezvouz of Salvages, which they call, a Town, some where 
beyond Penacook; and they still told these poor Women, that 
when they came to this Town, they must be Stript, and 
Scourg'd, and run the Gantlet through the whole Army of 
Indians. They said, This was the Fashion, when the Cap- 
tives first came to a Town ; and they derided some of the Faint- 
hearted English, which, they said, fainted and swoon'd away 
under the Torments of this Discipline. But on April 30, While 
they were yet, it may be, about an Hundred and Fifty Miles 
from the Indian Town, a little before Break of Day, when the 


whole Crew was in a Dead Sleep; (Reader, see if it prove not 
So !) one of these Women took up a Resolution, to imitate the 
Action of Jael upon Sisera;^ and being where she had not 
her own Life secured by any Law unto her, she thought she 
was not Forbidden by any Law to take away the Life of the 
Murderers, by whom her Child had been butchered. She 
heartened the Nurse, and the Youth, to assist her in this En- 
terprize; and all furnishing themselves with Hatchets for the 
purpose, they struck such Home Blows, upon the Heads of 
their Sleeping Oppressors, that e'er they could any of them 
Struggle into any Effectual Resistance, at the Feet of these 
poor Prisoners, they how^d, they fell, they lay down : at their 
feet they bowed, they fell; where they bowed, there they fell 
down Dead} Only one Squaw escaped sorely wounded 
from them, in the Dark; and one Boy, whom they Reserved 
Asleep, intending to bring him away with them, suddenly 
wak'd, and skuttled away from this Desolation. But cutting 
off the Scalps of the Ten Wretches, they came off, and Received 
Fifty Pounds from the General Assembly of the Province, as a 
Recompence of their Action; besides which they Received 
many presents of Congratulation from their more private 
Friends; but none gave 'em a greater Tast of Bounty than 
Colonel Nicholson, the Governour of Maryland,^ who hear- 
ing of their Action, sent 'em a very generous Token of his 

Akticle XXVL 

Remarkable Salvations; and some Remarkable Disasters. 

Besides a man Taken at York, in May, and another man 
kill'd at Hatfield, in June, and a Third kill'd at Groton; and a 
Fourth with Two Children carried Captives; there fell out more 
Mischief, with no small Mercy, on June 10, at Exeter. The 
Day before, some Women and Children would needs ramble 
without any Guard, into the Woods, to gather Strawberries; 
but some that were willing to Chastise them with a Fright, for 

^ Judges iv. ^ Judges v. 27. 

» Colonel Francis Nicholson, governor of Maryland 1694-1699. 


their presumption, made an Alarum in the Town, whereupon 
many came together in their Arms. The Indians, it seems, 
were at this very Time, unknown to the Enghsh, lying on the 
other side of the Town, ready to make a Destructive Assault 
upon it; but Supposing this Alarm to be made on their Account, 
they therefore supposed themselves to be discovered. Where- 
fore they laid aside their purpose of attempting the Destruction 
of the Town, and contented themselves with Killing one man, 
Taking another, and Wounding a Third. But on July 4, 
Lord's-Day, Major Charles Frost, who had been a Person of 
no little Consequence to our Frontiers,^ Returning from the 
Public Worship of God, in Berwick, (to repair unto which, about 
Five Miles from his own House, he had that Morning expressed 
such an Earnestness, that much Notice was taken of it,) pass'd 
several more Dangerous places, without any Damage; but in 
a place, on a little plain by the Turn of a Path, where no 
Danger was Expected, the Adder in the path Surprized him ; 
the Indians having Stuck up certain Boughs upon a Log, there 
mortally Shot him, with Two more, while his Two Sons, that 
were in the Front of the Company, happily escaped; and the 
Two young men, that Rode Post unto Wells, with these Tidings, 
in their going back had their own Death added for another 
Article of such unhappy Tidings. About the latter End of 
this Month also. Three Men Mowing the Meadows at Newicha- 
wannic were themselves Cut down by the Indians; tho' one 
of the Mowers bravely Slew one of the Murtherers. But the 
most important Action of this Year was a little further off. 
About the beginning of July, Major March was Employed, with 
about Five Hundred Soldiers, not only to Defend the Fron- 
tiers, but also to seek out, and Beat up, the Enemies Quarters. 
In the mean time, the Lieutenant Governor, apprehending an 
Invasion from a Formidable French Fleet on the Coast of New- 
England, with his accustomed prudence and vigour applied 
himself to put the whole Province into a posture of Defence: 
And the Militia, with the several Forts, especially that of 
Boston, (very much through the Contrivance and Industry of 
Captain Fairweather,) were brought into so good a posture, 
that some could hardly forbear too much Dependance on our 

^ Commander of the militia of York County, and judge of the court of 
common pleas. 


Preparations. But, it being more particularly Apprehended; 
that in the Intended Invasion the Indians, assisted by the 
French, would make a Desent upon our Frontiers by Land, 
Major March was advised therefore to Employ some of his 
Forces in Scouting about the Woods. Before the Major ar- 
rived at York, a party of the Enemy kill'd a man that stood 
Centinel for some of his Neighbours at Work in the Marsh at 
Wells, and catching another Alive, they carried him a mile and 
a half off, and Roasted him to Death : But Captain Bracket, 
that followed them quite as far as Kennebunk, did but almost 
overtake them: For truly. Reader, our Soldiers cannot, as 
Antiquity Reports the old Grsecian and Roman Soldiers could, 
march at a Running pace or trot, heavily Loaded, five and 
twenty miles in four Hours; but rather suspect whether those 
Reports of Antiquity be not Romantick. Three Soldiers of 
Saco fort, after this, cutting some Fire wood on Cow-Island, 
for the use of the Fort, were by the Indians cut off; while that 
Lieutenant Fletcher, with his Two Sons, that should have 
Guarded them, went a Fowling; and by doing so, they likewise 
fell into the Snare. The Indians carrying these Three Captives 
down the River in one of their Canoos, Lieutenant Larabe, 
who was abroad with a Scout, way-laid them; and Firing on 
the Foremost of the Canoos, that had Three men in it, they all 
Three fell and sank in the River of Death. Several were killed 
aboard the other Canoos; and the rest ran their Canoos 
ashore, and Escaped on the other side of the River; and one 
of the Fletchers, when all the Indians with him were kill'd, 
was Delivered out of the Hands which had made a prisoner of 
him; tho' his poor Father afterwards Dyed among them. 
Hereupon Major March, with his Army, took a Voyage farther 
Eastward, having several Transport Vessels to accommodate 
them. Arriving at Casco-Bay, they did, upon the Ninth of 
September, come as occult as they could, further East among 
the Islands, near a place called Corbin's Sounds; and Landed 
before Day at a place called, Damascotta River ;^ where, 
before Half of them were well got ashore, and drawn up, the 
scarce-yet-expected Enemy Entertained them with a Volley, 
and an Huzzah! None of ours were Hurt; but Major March 
Repaid 'em in their own Leaden Coin: and it was no sooner 

^ Damariscotta. 


Light but a Considerable Battel Ensued. The Commanders 
of the Transport- Vessels were persons of such a mettle, that 
they could not with any patience forbear going ashore, to 
take a part of their Neighbour's Fare; but the Enemy seeing 
things operate this way, fled into their Fleet of Canoos, which 
hitherto Lay out of sight, and got off as fast, and as well, as 
they could, leaving some of their Dead behind them, which 
they never do, but when under extream Disadvantages. Our 
Army thus beat 'em off, with the Loss of about a Dozen men, 
whereof One was the worthy Captain Dymmock of Barnstable; 
and about as many woundded, whereof one was Captain 
Philips of Charlestown; and in this Action Captain Whiting, 
a young gentlemen of much Worth, and Hope, Courageously 
acting his part, as Commander of the Forces, the Helpers of 
the War, which the Colony of Connecticut had Charitably 
lent unto this Expedition, had his Life remarkably rescued 
from a Bullet grazing the Top of his Head. But there was a 
Singular Providence of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the whole of 
this matter. For by the seasonable Arrival and Encounter of 
our Army, an horrible Descent of Indians, which probably 
might have laid whole Plantations Desolate, was most happily 
Defeated. And at the same Time, the Signal Hand of Heaven 
gave a Defeat unto the purposes of the French Squadrons at 
Sea, so that they had something else to do, than to Visit the 
Coast of New-England. 

Aeticle xxvn. 

The End of the Year; and we hope of the War. 

Thou Sword of the Wilderness, When wilt thou he quiet ?^ 
On Sept. 11, a party of the Enemy came upon the Town of 
Lancaster, then prepared for Mischief by a wonderful Security, 
and they did no little Mischief unto it. Near Twenty were 
killed, and among the rest, Mr. John Whiting, the Pastor of 
the Church there: Five were carried Captive; Two or Three 
Houses were burnt, and several Old People in them. Captain 

1 Jeremiah xlvii. 6, " O thou sword of the Lord, how long will it be ere thou 
be quiet? " 


Brown, with Fifty men, pursued them, till the Night Stopp'd 
their pursuit; but it seems, a Strange Dog or two, unknown 
to the Company, did by their Barking alarum the Enemy to 
Rise in the Night, and Strip and Scalp an English Captive 
Woman, and fly so far into the Woods, that after Two Days 
Bootless Labour, our men Returned. November arrived, 
before any farther Bloodshed; and then 'twas only of one man, 
in the Woods, at Oyster River. December arrived with the 
welcome Tidings, of a Peace concluded between England and 
France; which made us Hope, that there would be little more 
of any Bloodshed at all. 

The Winter was the Severest, that ever was in the memory 
of man. And yet February must not pass, without a Stroke 
upon Pemmaquid Chub,^ whom the Government had merci- 
fully permitted, after his Examination, to Retire unto his 
Habitation in Andover. As much out of the way as to An- 
dover, there came above Thirty Indians, about the middle of 
February, as if their Errand had been for a Vengeance upon 
Chub, whom (with his Wife) they now Massacred there. They 
Took Two or Three Houses, and Slew Three or Four Persons; 
and Mr. Thomas Barnard, the worthy Minister of the place, 
very narrowly escaped their Fury. But in the midst of their 
Fury, there was one piece of Mercy, the like whereof had 
never been seen before: For they had got Colonel Dudley 
Bradstreet, with his Family, into their Hands; but perceiving 
the Town Mustering to follow them, their Hearts were so 
changed, that they dismissed their Captives without any further 
Damage unto their Persons. Returning back by Haverhil, 
they kiird a couple and a couple they Took, with some Re- 
markable circumstances, worthy to be made a distinct History. 
But, Reader, we are now in Haste for to have our present 
History come unto an End : And though the end of this Year 
did not altogether prove the end of the War, for on May 9, 
1698, the Indians Murdered an old man, at Spruce-Creek, and 
carried away Three Sons of that old man, and wounded a 
man at York, Yet we were not without prospect of our 
Troubles growing towards a period: And even in that very 
Murder at Spruce-Creek, there fell out one thing that might 
a little encourage our Hopes concerning it. The Murderer 

^ See p. 261, supra. 


was a famous kind of a Giant among the Indians; a Fellow 
Reputed Seven Foot High: This Fellow kilFd the poor old 
man in cold Blood, after he had Surrendred himself a Prisoner: 
But behold, Before many Hours were out, this famous and 
bloody Fellow accidentally Shot himself to Death, by his Gun 
going off, when he was foolishly pulling a Canoo to the Shore 
with it. 

The last Bloody Action, that can have a Room in our Story, 
is this. 

The Indians, (though sometimes it hath been much doubted, 
what Indians!) have in this War made several Descents upon 
some of the upper Towns, that were our most Northerly Settle- 
ments upon Connecticut-River. But the Pious and Honest 
People in those towns have always given them a brave Repulse, 
and had a notable Experience of the Divine Favour to them, 
in their preservations. Deerfield has been an Extraordinary 
Instance of Courage in keeping their Station, though they have 
lived aU this while in a very Pihahiroth;^ and their worthy 
Pastor Mr. John Williams, deserves the Thanks of aU this 
Province, for his Encouraging them aU the ways Imaginable 
to Stand their ground. Once the Enemy was like to have Sur- 
prised them into a grievous Desolation ; but He, with his Pray- 
ing, and Valiant, little Flock, most happily Repelled them. 
And now, about the middle of July, 1698, a little before Sun- 
set, Four Indians kiUed a Man and a Boy, in Hatfield Meadows, 
and carried away Two Boys, into Captivity. The Advice 
coming to Deerfield in the Night, they presently Dispatched 
away Twelve men, to way-lay the Enemy coming up the River; 
having first look'd up unto the Lord Jesus Christ, that they 
might find the Enemy, and harm none but the Enemy, and 
Rescue the Children which the Enemy had Seized upon. 
After a Travel of near Twenty Miles, they perceived the In- 
dians, in their Canoos coming up the River, but on the other 
side of it, within a Rod or Two of the opposite Shore : Where- 
upon they so Shot, as to Hit one of the Indians, and then they 
all jumpt out of the Canoos, and one of the Boyes with them. 
The woimded Salvage crawled unto the Shoar; where his back 
being broken, he lay in great Anguish, often Endeavouring 
with his Hatchet, for to knock out his own Brains, and tear 

^ Exodus xiv. 2, 9; Numbers xxxiii. 7, 8. A place in the wilderness. 


open his own Breast, but could not : And another Indian seeing 
the Two Boys getting one to another, design'd 'em a Shot, but 
his Gun would not go off: Whereupon he followed 'em with his 
Hatchet, for to have knock'd 'em on the Head; but just as he 
come at 'em, one of our men sent a Shot into him, that Spoil'd 
his Enterprize; and so the Boys getting together, into one 
Canoo, brought it over to the Friends thus concerned for them. 
These good men, seeing their Exploit performed thus far. Two 
Indians destroy'd, and Two Children delivered, they fell to 
Praising of God; and one young man particularly, kept thus 
Expressing himself; Surely, 'Tis God, and not we, that have 
wrought this Deliverance! But, as we have sometimes been 
told. That even in the Beating of a Pulse, the Dilating of the 
Heart, by a Diastole of Delight, may be turned into a contract- 
ing of it, with a Systole of Sorrow, In the Beating of a few 
Pulse, after this, they sent five or six men, with the Canoo, to 
fetch the other, which was lodged at an island not far off, that 
they might pursue the other Indians : When those two Indians 
having hid themselves in the High-grass, unhappily Shot a 
quick Death into the young man, whose Expressions were but 
now recited. This Hopeful young man's Brother-in-Law was 
intending to have gone out, upon this Action; but the young 
man himself importuned his Mother to let him go: Which, 
because he was an only son, she denied; but then, fearing she 
did not well to withhold her son from the Service of the Publick, 
she gave him leave : Sajdng, See that you do now, and as you 
go along, Resign, and give up your self unto the Lord; and I 
desire to Resign you to him! So he goes, and so he dies; and 
may he be the last, that falls in a Long and Sad War with 
Indian Salvages! 

Article XXVIII. 

The Epilogue of a Long Tragedy. 

For the present then the Indians have Done Murdering; 
they'll Do so no more till next Time. Let us then have done 
Writing, when we have a little informed our selves what is 
become of the chief Murderers among those Wretches, for 


whom, if we would find a Name of a Length like one of their 
own Indian Long-winded words, it might be, 


Major Converse, and Captain Alden, in pursuance of In- 
structions Received from the Lieut. Govemour and Council, 
arriving at Penobscot on Octo. 14, 1698, were there informed, 
that Madockawando, the noted Sagamore, with several other 
Sachims of the East, were lately Dead. And six days after 
this, the chief Sachims now Living, with a great Body of In- 
dians, Entertained them with a Friendly Discourse; wherein 
they said. That the Earl of Frontenac had sent them word, 
there was a Peace concluded between the Kings of France and 
England,^ and that one of the Articles in the Peace was, for 
Prisoners on both sides to be Returned, and they were Re- 
solved to obey the Earl of Frontenac as their Father; and ac- 
cordingly such Prisoners of ours, as they had now at hand, 
might immediately Return, if we could perswade them, for 
They would not Compel them. When our English Messengers 
argued with them, upon the perfidiousness of their making a 
New War, after their Submission, the Indians repHed, That 
they were Instigated by the French to do what they did, 
against their own Inclinations; adding, That there were two 
Jesuits, one toward Amonoscoggin, the other at Narridgaway, 
both of which, they desired the Earl of BeUomont, and the 
Earl of Frontenac, to procure to be Removed; otherwise it 
could not be expected that any Peace would continue long.' 
The Indians also, and the English Prisoners, gave them to 
understand, that the last Winter, many, both Indians and 
English Prisoners, were Starved to Death; and particularly. 
Nine Indians in one company went a Hunting, but met with 
such hard circumstances, that after they had Eat up their 
Dogs, and their Cats, they Dyed horribly Famished : And since 
the last Winter, a grievous and unknown Disease is got among 
them, which consumed them wonderfully. The Sagamore 
Saquadock further told them. That the Kennebeck Indians 

^ "Breathing bombs, swords, death, spears and flames." 
2 The peace of Ryswyk, September 10/20, 1697. 

2 Father Sebastian Rale at Norridgewock. "Toward Amonoscogin," on 
the Kennebec, were the two brothers, Father Jacques and Father Vincent Bigot. 


would fain have gone to War again, this last Summer, but the 
other Refused, whereupon they likewise Desisted: And they 
Resolved now, to Fight no more: but if any 111 Accident or 
Action should happen on either side, he did in the Name of the 
Indians Desire, That we would not presently make a War upon 
it, but in a more amicable way compose the Differences. 

That the Indian affayrs might come to be yet more exactly 
understood, the General Assembly of the Province Employ'd 
Colonel John Phillips, and Major Convers, to settle them. 
These Gentlemen took a Difficult and a Dangerous Voyage, 
in the Depth of Winter, unto the Eastern parts, in the Province- 
Galley, then under the Command of Captain Cyprian Southack; 
and the principal Sagamores of the Indians there coming to 
them, did again Renew and Subscribe the Submission, which 
they had formerly made in the year 1693, With this Addition 
unto it. 

And whereas, notwithstanding the aforesaid Submission and 
Agreement, the said Indians belonging to the Rivers aforesaid, or 
some of them, thro' the ill counsel and instigation of the French, have 
perpetrated sundry Hostilities against His Majesties Subjects, the 
English, and have not Delivered and Returned home several Eng- 
lish Captives in their Hands, as in the said Submission they Cov- 

Wherefore, we whose Names are hereunto Subscribed, Saga- 
mores, Captains, and principal men of the Indians belonging unto the 
Rivers of Kennebeck, Ammonoscoggin, and Saco, and parts adjacent, 
being sensible of our great Offence and Folly, in not complying with 
the aforesaid Submission and Agreement, and also of the Sufferings 
and Mischiefs that we have hereby exposed our selves unto, Do in 
all Humble and most Submissive manner cast our selves upon His 
Majesties Mercy, for the pardon of all our Rebellions, Hostilities, 
and Violations of our promises, praying to be Received into His 
Majesties Grace and protection; and for, and on behalf of our selves, 
and of all other the Indians, belonging to the several Rivers and 
places aforesaid, within the Soveraignty of His Majesty of Great- 
Britain, do again acknowledge and profess our Hearty and Sincere 
Obedience, unto the Crown of England, and do solemnly Renew, 
Ratify and Confirm all and every of the Articles and Agreements, 
contained in the aforesaid Recited Commission. And in Testimony 
thereof, we, the said Sagamores, Captains, and principal men, have 
hereunto set our several Marks and Seals at Casco-Bay, near Mares- 


Point/ the Seventh Day of January, In the Tenth Year of the 
Reign of his Majesty, King WiUiam the Third, Annoque Domini, 
1698, 9. 

Subscribed by 

Moxus,— and a Great Number more. 
In the presence of 
James Converse, 
Cyprian Southack, 
John Gills, Interpreter, 
And ScoDOOK, ahas Sampson. 

At this Time also, the Indians Restored as many of the 
English Captives, in their Hands, as were able to Travel above 
an Hiindred Miles in this terrible Season of the year, from their 
Head-quarters, down to the Sea-side; giving all possible satis- 
faction, for the Restoration of the rest, as Early in the Spring, 
as there could be any Travelling. 

The Condition of these Captives has afforded many very 
Remarkable Things, whereof 'tis a thousand pities that so 
many are lost. But because one of the Two Gentlemen Em- 
ploy'd as Commissioners, for the Treaty with the Indians, 
took certain Minutes of Remarkable Thuigs from some of the 
Captives, I am willing to give the Reader a Taste of them. 

At Marespoint in Casco-Bay, Jan. 14. 1698, 9. 

The captives informed me, that the Indians have Three Forts, 
at Narridgawog, and Narrackomagog, and Amassacanty. And at 
each of these Forts, they have a Chappel, and have Images in them. 

They informed me, That Three Captives in one Wigwam were 
Starved to Death last Winter. 

Mary Fairbanks, and Samuel Hutching, and some other Cap- 
tives, told me, that Jonathan Hutching, belonging to Spruce-Creek, 
a Lad fourteen years old. They met him crying for want of Victuals, 
for in Two or Three Days he had nothing to Eat. Afterward, as he 
was going to fetch some Wood, he felt something hard in his Bosom. 
He put in his Hand, and unto his Astonishment, he found there Two 
Great Large Ears of Indian corn, which were very well Roasted. 
He Eat them, and knew not how they came unto him. 

Some other of the Captives told me, that one Mary Catter, 
(which person we now brought home with us, belonging to Kittery) 

^ Now called Merepoint, in Brunswick, Maine. 


her Master, and many other Indians came down to Casco-Bay. 
There seeing some Sloops, or shallops, they thought they were the 
English coming upon them, and ran away into the Woods, and left 
the said Mary Catter very Sick in the Wigwam, without any thing 
at all to Eat. They staid away many dayes; but left a Fire in the 
Wigwam. She Lay wishing for something to Eat, and at length in 
came a Turtle. She got That, and Eat it; but afterwards began to 
Despair of out-living the Famine, which was Returned upon her. 
At length, when she was very Hungry, in came a Partridge; she took 
a Stick and Struck it, and Drest it, and Eat it. And by that Time 
she was Hungry again, her Master came to look after her. 

They tell of several of the Indians that have kill'd themselves 
with their own Guns, in taking them out of their Canoos. 

Assacombuit sent Thomasin Rouse, a Child of about Ten years 
old, unto the Water-side to carry something. The Child cried: He 
took a Stick and struck her down: She lay for Dead: he took her 
up and Threw her into the water: Some Indians, not far off, ran in, 
and fetch'd her out. This Child we have now brought Home with 

This Assacombuit hath killed and Taken this War, (they tell me) 
an Hundred and Fifty Men, Women, and Children. A Bloody 

Thus the Paper of Minutes. 

The Reader now has nothing but Peace before him. 
Doubtless he comforts himself with Hopes of Times better to 
Live in, than to Write of! 

But that which yet more assures a Break of Day after a 
long and sad Night unto us, is, That the Best King at this Day 
upon Earth, and the Greatest Monarch, that ever Sway'd the 
Sceptre of Great Britain, hath Commission'd a Noble Person, 
who hath in him an Illustrious Image of His own Royal Virtues, 
to take the Government of these Provinces; and he is accord- 
ingly Arrived now near our Horizon. When the Schools of 
the Jews delivered, That there were Three Great Gifts of the 
Good God unto the world, The Law, the Rain, and the Light; 
R. Zeira^ added, "I pray, let us take in Peace for a Fourth." 
All these Four Gifts of God are now Enjoy'd by New-England; 
but I must now ask, that our Hope of a Fifth may be added 
unto the Number; which is, a Governour of Signalized 

1 Apparently Rabbi Zeera, a Palestinian amora of the fourth century A. D. 


Virtues. To the truly Noble Earl of Bellomont, the whole 
English Nation must own it self Endebted while it is a 
Nation, for the most Generous and Successful Zeal with which 
he Laboured for those Acts of Parliament, by Assenting 
whereuntO; the Mighty William hath Irradiated England, 
with Blessings that it never saw before His Happy Reign: 
Blessings richly worth all the Expences of a Revolution. 
England owes no less Immortal Statues unto the Earl of Bello- 
mont, than Ireland unto his Illustrious Ancestors. But the 
Continent of America must now Share in the Influence of that 
Noble Person, whose Merits have been SignaHzed on the most 
famous Islands of Europe; and the Greatest Person, that ever 
set foot on the English Continent of America, is now Arrived 
unto it. We are now satisfjdng our selves in the Expectations 
of the Great and Good Influences, to be derived from the 
Conduct of a Governour, in whom there will meet, 

— Virtus et Summa potestas,^ 

And now. Reader, I will conclude our History of the Indian 
war, in Terms like those used by the Syrian Writer at the Con- 
clusion of his Book; 

Finis, per Auxilium Domini Nostri Jesu Christi, mense 
Duodecimo, per manus peccatoris pauperis et Errantis.^ 

Article XXIX. 

Quakers Encountred. 

For the present then, we have done with the Indians: But 
while the Indians have been thus molesting us, we have suffered 
Molestations of another sort, from another sort of Enemies, 
which may with very good Reason be cast into the same His- 
tory with them. If the Indians have chosen to prey upon the 
Frontiers, and Out-Skirts, of the Province, the Quakers have 
chosen the very same Frontiers, and Out-Skirts, for their 

^ "Bravery and sovereign power." Bellomont was in his province of New 
York for some time before coming to Massachusetts. 

2 "Finished, by the aid of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the twelfth month, by 
the hand of a poor and erring sinner." 


more Spiritual Assaults; and finding little Success elsewhere, 
they have been Labouring incessantly, and sometimes not un- 
successfully, to Enchant and Poison the Souls of poor people, 
in the very places, where the Bodies and Estates of the people 
have presently after been devoured by the Salvages. But that 
which makes it the more agreeable, to allow the Quakers an 
Article in our History of the Indians, is. That a certain silly 
Scribbler, the very First-born of Nonsensicality, (and a First- 
born too, that one might Salute as the Martyr Polycarp once 
did the wicked Marcion,) One Tom Maule,^ at this Time 
living in Salem, hath exposed unto the Publick a Volumn of 
Nonsensical Blasphemies and Heresies, wherein he sets himself 
to Defend the Indians in their Bloody Villanies, and Revile 
the Countrey for Defending it self against them. And that 
the Venom of this Pamphlet might be Improved unto the 
Heighth of Slanderous Wickedness, there hath been since 
added unto it, in another Pamphlet, a parcel of Ingredients 
compounded, for mischief, as if by the Art of the Apothecary. 
None but he whom the Jews in their Talmuds call Ben-tamalion 
could have inspired such a Slanderer! Have the Quakers ever 
yet Censured this their Author, for holding-forth in his Alcoran 
(page 221) That the Devil, Sin, Death, and Hell, are but 
Nothing, they are but a Non-Entity: And, (page 183) That all 
men who have a Body of Sin remaining in them, are Witches? 
I have cause to believe, thej^ never did ! Nor that they ever 
advised him to pull in his Horns, from goring the sides of New- 
England, with such passages as those, in (page 195) the same 
horrible Pamphlet: " God hath well Rewarded the Inhabitants 
of New-England, for their Unrighteous DeaHngs, towards the 
Native Indians, whom now the Lord hath suffered to Reward 
the Inhabitants, with a double measure of Blood, by Fire and 
Sword, etc." And those Unrighteous Dealings he Explains to 
be the Killing of the Indians, (or Murdering of them) by the 
Old Planters of these Colonies in their First Settlement. Thus 
are the Ashes of our Fathers vilely staled upon, by one, who 
perhaps would not stick at the Villany of doing as much upon 

1 Thomas Maule had published in 1695 a work entitled, Truth held forth 
and Maintained (New York, William Bradford), followed in 1697 by New England 
Persemtors mavled with their own Weapons (ibid.), and had thereby aroused the 
ire of Mather. 


their Baptism it self. I must tell you, Friends, that if you 
don't publickly give forth a Testimony to Defie Tom Maule, 
and his Works, it will be thought by some, who it may be don't 
wish you so well as I do, that you own this Bloody Stuff: which, 
doubtless you'l not be so ill advised as to do. But, certainly, 
if the good people of New-England now make it not a proverb 
for a lyar of the first Magnitude, he is as very a Har as Tom 
Maule, they will deprive their Language of one Significant 
Expression, which now offers it self unto them. 

Let us now leave our Friend Maule's Works as a fit Volume 
to be an Appendix unto the famous Tartaretus, and worthy of 
a Room in Pantagruel's Library.^ The fittest way to answer 
him, would be to send him to Boston Woods! 

In the mean Time I owe unto the Publick a piece of His- 
tory, which it may be for the Safety of our Northern Towns, 
to be acquainted withal. Know, Sirs, That once the famous 
George Keith midertook to be the Champion of our New- 
English Quakers, and bid fair to be the very Dalae, or Prester 
John,2 of all the English Tartars; but a Minister of Boston, 
upon that occasion, pubHshing a Book, Entituled, Little Flocks 
guarded against grievous Wolves,^ could not but complain of 
it, as a very Scandalous Thing, in George Keith, to maintain 
the points of the Foxian Quakerism, while he really differed 
from them. All this while, George Keith was admired by our 
Quakers, as an Apostle, or an Oracle: but he, finding it im- 
possible to mentain the gross Tenets of the common Quakers, 
preach'd unto them the Necessity of Believing on a Christ 
without, as well as a Christ within. Hereupon, there grew 
such alienations between him and the other Quakers, (who 
had been taught by George Fox, to say, the Devil is in them, 
who say, they are Saved by Christ without them) that he not 
only has written divers Learned Books, to confute those very 
Doctrines of the Common Quakers, which the Pastors of New- 
England had, upon his Provocation, Written against, but also 

^ Allusion to Rabelais. 

2 The Dalai Lama was (and is) the head of the Tibetan Buddhists; Prester 
John was a fabled Christian emperor of central Asia. George Keith (1639 ca, 
-1716), successively Quaker, "Keithian" or "Christian Quaker," and Anglican 
clergyman, had a noted part in contemporary theological controversy in England 
and America. 

3 A publication of Mather's own (Boston, 1691). ; i 


has therefore undergone a Storm of Persecution, from the 
Friends in Pensylvania: Yea, 'tis verily thought, that poor 
George would have been made a Sacrifice to Squire Samuel 
Jennings,^ and the rest of the Pensylvanian Dragons; and that, 
since a crime which their Laws had made Capital, was mention'd 
in the Mittimus whereby Keith was committed, they would 
have Hang'd him, if a Revolution upon their Government had 
not set him at liberty. Being by the Fines, and Goals,^ and 
Fierce Usages of the Quakers in Pensylvania, driven over to 
England, the Wonderful Hand of God hath made this very 
man, I think I may say, incomparably the greatest Plague, that 
ever came upon that Sect of Energumens. Although he do 
himself still retain the Name of a Quaker, yet he hath in one 
Treatise after another Earnestly called upon the Divines 
throughout the Nation more Vigorously to Employ their Talents 
against the Quakers, as a more Dangerous Generation of Peo- 
ple than they are well aware; and he did in the year 1696, with 
the leave of the Lord Mayor, Challenge the Quakers, to make 
their Appearance at Turners-Hall, in the chief City of Europe; 
where he proved unto the Satisfaction of a vast Assembly, 
that the chief Writers of the Quakers assert Christ neither to 
be God, nor Man: and that they deny Christ to be pray'd 
unto ; and that they had affirm'd, Christ's outward Blood shed 
on the Ground, to be no more than the Blood of another Saint; 
and that they had charged him with New Doctrine, for direct- 
ing to Faith in Christ without us, as well as within us; and that 
at their Meetings, they had censured him, for saying. That 
Christ's body came out of the Grave, which they say, it never 
did: and many more such horrid matters. 

To confirm these things. Besides the grievous Bites which 
Francis Bugg,^ one of their late Friends, hath given them, one 
Daniel Leeds, without wholly casting off the Profession of a 
Quaker, hath lately Printed a Book,^ wherein he produces 
above Threescore Instances of the Flat Contradictions which 

^ Deputy governor of West Jersey 1681-1684, and author of Truth Rescued 

2 Gaols, jails. 

' Francis Bugg, at first a Friend, afterward author of no fewer than 23 writings 
against Quakerism, of which a dozen had already been published at this time. 

* News of a Trumpet sounding in the Wilderness, by Daniel Leeds (New 
York, 1697). 


he hath observed in the Books of the FriendS; that have most 
pretended unto InfalHbiHty ; and he demonstrates from evident 
matter of Fact, that though they declared unto the World, That 
their Sufferings had been greater, and more unjust, than the 
Sufferings of Jesus and His Apostles; yet they themselves were 
no sooner mounted into the Seat of Government, than they 
fell to Persecuting as bad as any in the World. Albeit, Fox 
writes. They that cause People to be put in Prison, and have 
their Goods taken away, are Disorderly Teachers, and shall 
be rooted out : Nevertheless, Leeds proves by many Examples, 
that the Pensylvanians did it, even upon their own Friends, for 
meer Scruples of their Consciences. 'Tis reported, the Quakers 
are so confounded at this Book of Leeds, that they have been 
at the charge to buy up the whole Impression of it, and so to 
Stifle and Smother it: If it be so, I hope 'twill but produce a 
New Impression of so rare a Book. The Marvellous Providence 
of our Lord Jesus Christ having thus employ'd the Pens of 
the Quakers themselves, to warn you, that you beware of 
Quackerism, it will be a marvellous Infatuation in any of you, 
after this, to be led away with that Error of the Wicked. 
Reader, make a Pause, and here Admire the Marvellous Provi- 
dence of our Lord Jesus Christ! The first and great Apostle 
of the Quakers, even George Fox, the Shoe-maker, in his Great 
Mystery, pag. 94, Excludes from the Church of Christ, Those 
who are not Infallible in Discerning the Hearts of other men. 
Whereas now in Spite of all their Infallibility, such Friends as 
Keith (and Leeds) whom they once admired, profess that they 
never in their Hearts Believed, as the Common Foxian Quakers 
do ; and Quackerism Suffers from none in the world more than 
these. But that I may a little Suggest unto you certain 
Methods of Encountring those Adversaries of your Faith, 
which go about, seeking whom they may deceive, and whom 
I do here offer to prove as horrid Idolaters, as even those that 
worshipp'd the Rats of Egypt, if it be fairly demanded of me, 
I will first Recite unto you certain passages of a Discourse, 
which a Minister of Boston had with a very Busy and noisy 
Teacher among the Quakers, (and another of the Friends) in 
his Return from his Visitation unto some of our Northern 
Towns, where the Giddy People had cry'd him up for a None- 


Quaker. We are come to give thee a Friendly visit. 

Minister. I am glad to see you at my House; you shall 
be welcome to the best Entertainment my house can afford 

But will you do me the Favour to let me understand the 
Designs upon which you visit these parts of the Country? 

Quaker. 1 come to preach Jesus Christ. 

Minister. Excuse me — What Christ, I pray? 

Quaker. The same Christ that appeared unto Abraham, 
and Isaac, and Jacob; and that appeared unto Moses in the 
Bush, and that was with Israel in the Wilderness — 

Minister. I would interrupt you. I perceive, that we 
shall be drawn into some Discourse. Matter of Argument will 
occur, I foresee, in our Discourse. Argument sometimes does 
draw forth Words that may have too much Warmth in them. I 
purpose none such. But if you are sensible, that I do let fall 
any one such word, in our Disputation, do me the favour, to 
take notice of it unto me, and I'll immediately correct it. 
Now, if you please — 

Quaker. Thou speakest very well. This is but according 
to the Good Report we have heard of thee. 

Minister. Friend, I am sensible, that you are come among 
us, to preach a Religion, different from that which is commonly 
Preached, Professed, and Practised in the Country. If you 
approve the Religion of the Country, I can't see where's the 
Sense of it, for you to take such tedious Journeys for our Illu- 
mination. I pray, be so kind as to let me know, what point 
in our Holy Religion you do not Approve? 

Quaker. 'Tis not my Business here to Enquire into thy 
Religion. I am come to preach the Religion of Jesus Christ; 
the same that the Holy Prophets and Apostles believed; even 
the inward manifestation of Christ in our Hearts — 

Minister. To make short work on it; I perceive you 
both to be that sort of people we call Quakers. Now, there is 
among the Quakers that extream Uncertainty, Variety, and 
Contradiction, that no man can say what you hold, any further 
than each Individual Person will confess his own Tenets. I 
must therefore, pray the favour of you, to tell me; Do you own^ 
George Fox's Book, Entituled, The Great Mystery ? 

^I. e., accept, approve. 


Quaker. 'Tis none of our Business to tell what Books we 
own, and what we do not own : and it is none of thy Business 
to Ask us. I say, We own Jesus Christ, and His Inward Mani- 
festation in our Hearts. And that's Enough! 

Minister. You'll Excuse me: I do again ask, whether you 
do own George Fox's Book of The Great Mystery f because 
doubtless you have Read it. — ^And if you'll ask me as much 
concerning any Book under Heaven, (that I have Read) 
whether I own it, or How much I own of it, I'll answer you with 
all the Freedom in the world. 

Quaker. I say what hast thou to do with George Fox? or 
to Examine me? 

Minister. Yes, Friend, I do, and must, and will Examine 
you. For you are come to Hold-Forth unto as many of my 
Flock as you can ; and the Word of God bids me to Try you. 
And I have to do with George Fox too; because George Fox 
in his Writings has to do with me. And if you will sincerely 
tell me, whether you own George Fox, or no, I shall more 
probably tell, who you are. In short, if you say, you Deny 
and Renounce George Fox, then I must go another way to 
work with you. If you say, you own him, then I must en- 
deavour to Save you from some of his Damnable Heresies. 

Quaker. What heresies. 

Minister. Numberless. But I do at this Time call to 
mind Three of them. 

First, That the Soul of man is without Beginning, and 
Infinite. This is, if I forget not, in the 90th page of that Book. 

Secondly, That it is not contrary to the Scripture, That 
God the Father took upon Him Humane Nature. And, That 
the Scripture does not tell people of a Trinity, nor Three Per- 
sons in God; but that these Three Persons were brought in 
by the Pope. 

This is in pag. 246. 

Thirdly, That they that are not compleat in Sanctification, 
are not compleat in Justification. 

This is in pag. 284. 

What say ye. Sirs? 

Quaker. What hast thou to do, to Rake into the Ashes of 
the Dead? Let George Fox alone. Hast thou any thing to 
charge upon me? 


Minister. I shall know if you'll tell me, whether you own 
George Fox, or no, And you can tell me, if you will. I would 
be more civil to you, Sirs. 

Quaker. I never saw that Book of George Fox. 

(And so said the other Quaker that was with him). 

Minister. Syrs, you astonish me? What! Never see 
George Fox's Book of The Great Mystery? 'Tis impossible! 
this Thing is to me a Mystery! Syrs, that book is the very 
Bible of Quakerism. 'Tis Essential unto a Quaker, at least, 
unto a Teaching Quaker, as you are, to be Indoctrinated from 
that Book. Never see it, man! — ^However, if you say so, I 
must Believe it. 

Quaker. (Fell into an Harangue, Repeating what he had 
Preached abroad about the Country; which, because I would 
mis-recite nothing, I dare not undertake exactly to Recite in 
this place.) 

Minister. I perceive our Conversation will be to little Ad- 
vantage, except we get a little closer to some certain point, 
which I have hitherto Endeavoured, but ineffectually 

Syrs, there are several points, which I would willingly bring 
you to. And there happening to be several of my Honest 
Neighbours at hand, I have pray'd them (with your leave,) to 
walk in, that they may be Witnesses of what passes between us 

First, I'll begin, if you please, with This. 

I told you at the Beginning, I would not willingly Treat 
you with one Hard word. There is an Hard word, which will 
presently occur by the unavoidable course of Disputation. I 
would pray you, to ease me of the Trouble of speaking it. You 
shall yourself have the speaking of it. 

Quaker. What's that? 

Minister. I pray. Friend, what doth the Scripture say, of 
them that say. They know Jesus Christ, and yet keep not His 
Commandments ? 

Quaker. Nay, Wliat dost thou say the Scripture says in 
that case? 

Minister. You will compel me, I see — I say then; the 
Scripture sales, He that says, I know Him, and keeps not His 
Commandments, is a Lyar, and the Truth is not in him. 'Tis 
1 Joh. 2. 4. 

Quaker. And what then? 


Minister. Why this then. He that says I know Jesus 
Christ, and yet keeps not the Commandments of Jesus Christ, 
is a Liar, and the Truth is not in him. 

You say, You know Jesus Christ. But you must give me 
leave to say, That you Keep not the Commandments of Jesus 

Therefore — pray Syrs, do you help out the Conclusion. I 
am loth to speak it. You know what it is. 

Quaker. Yes, yes. We know well enough what Conclusion 
thou wouldst be at; thou wouldst say that we are Liars, and 
the Truth is not in us. 

Minister. Right! Since it must be so. 

Quaker. But what Commandment of Jesus Christ is there 
that we don't keep? 

Minister. The commandment of Jesus Christ is. For His 
Disciples to be Baptised with Water; But you, Quakers, do 
not keep that Commandment of Jesus Christ. 

Quaker. How dost thou prove, that Jesus Christ com- 
manded Baptism with Water. 

Minister. I know you must have the word Water, or 
nothing will content you; Else I would have urged, for a 
Sufficient proof, our Lord's Commanding His Ministers to 
Baptise men, (Matth. 28 : 19). This Command Expresses our 
Duty. 'Tis not our Duty to Baptise men with the Holy Spirit. 
This belongs not unto Us, but unto Him whos' that Holy Spirit 
is. You will not say, we Sin, if we don't Baptise the Disciples 
in all Nations, with the Holy Spirit. So then it must be a 
Baptism with Water which is there Commanded by our Lord. 
But, as I said, you must have the word Water, and you shall 
have it. 

The Apostle Peter said — 

Quaker. The Apostle Peter! the Apostle Peter! Thou 
wast to prove that Jesus Christ Commanded Baptism with 
Water, And now. Thou art come to the Apostle Peter! 

Minister. Stay, Friend, not so fast! will you say then, 
that the Commandments brought by the Apostle Peter, as the 
Commandments of Jesus Christ, are not the Commandments 
of Jesus Christ? but however, I'll mend the Expression — 

The Spirit of Jesus Christ in the Apostle Peter, (Now I 
hope it fits you!) — 


Quaker. (J. S.) Thou art a Monster, all Mouth, and no 
Ears — 

Minister. — Prethee talk Civilly; Don't make me Believe 
that I am at Ephesus. If I were in one of your Houses, I 
would not give you such Language; you had but now a greater 
liberty to use your Mouth than I have hitherto taken; and 
my Ears were patient. But, you foresee my Argument is going 
to pinch you. Tis but Civility to let me Finish it 

Quaker. Thou wast to prove, that Jesus Christ Com- 
manded Baptism with Water. And thou hast not proved it. 
And therefore thou Speakest Falsely. 

Minister. What do you mean? These little Shuffles won't 
help you. 

I say, the Spirit of Jesus Christ in the Apostle Peter, after 
our Lord's Ascension, when it was Impossible for John's Bap- 
tism (which was into the Messiah, Suddenly to come, not, 
already come) should^ have place, did say, in Act. 10. 47. Can 
any man Forbid Water, that these should not be Baptised, which 
have Received the Holy Ghost. 

Quaker. How does this prove. That Jesus Christ Com- 
manded these to be Baptised with water? 

Minister. Thus — 

If Jesus Christ had not Commanded Baptism with Water, 
any man might have then Forbid it. But no man could For- 
bid it. 

Therefore Jesus Christ Commanded it. 

Quaker. Therefore! Therefore! Argo! Argo! Why, Dost 
thou think Religion is to be proved by thy Therefore's, by 
thy Argo's? 

Minister. Friend, I perceive, the word Therefore is a very 
dead-doing sort of a Word to ye. I'll dismiss this Terrible 
Word. I'll only say. The Reason why none could forbid Be- 
lievers to be Baptised with Water, was merely Because Jesus 
Christ Commanded it. 

Quaker. Because, why the word Because is as bad as the 
word Therefore. 

Minister. (Smiling.) It may be so. But in the mean 
time, you are wonderfully unreasonable! I say, why could 
none forbid Water for the Faithful to be Baptised? 

1 Corrected to " to " in the Magnolia. 


Quaker. Who says None could Forbid Water? 'Tis only 
said, Can any man Forbid Water? 

Minister. I pray Sirs, And is not this. None can? 

But I'll bring the matter to bear upon you without those 
two Dangerous Words, therefore and because, at which you are 
so terrified. 

I will put the matter into the Form of a Question. And 
your Answer to this Question, shall put an End to our present 

Quaker. What have we to do to Answer thy Questions? 

Minister. My Question is. 

Whether a man might not forbid in the Worship of Jesus 
Christ, what Jesus Christ Himself hath no way Commanded? 

You can Answer this Question if you will; and I desire, I 
demand your Answer. 

Quaker. What? for us to answer thy Questions ! that would 
be, to Ensnare our selves. 

Minister. I am very sensible of That. Therefore, take 
Notice, You are Ensnared in the Toils of your own miserable 
Delusions. But still I say. Answer my Question. 

Quaker. Do you see. Neighbours? Friend M. was to prove 
that Jesus Christ commanded Baptism, and now, he's come to 
a Question! 

Minister. So I am Truly. And I see 'tis a Question, that 
puts you into a Sweat. I beseech you to Answer it. I Require 
you to Answer it. What shall I say? I Defy you to Answer 
it. Pardon my Cogency; you Force me to't! 

Quaker. I say, How does a Question prove. That Jesus 
Christ commanded Baptism with Water? And why dost thou 
Baptise Infants? 

Minister. Nay, I'll keep you to the Question. Your 
Answer to the Question, will prove it; I am designing to make 
you your selves prove it. And, Sirs, I do here offer to you, 
That I will give the best Answer I can, to any Question in the 
world, that you shall put unto me: why are you so loth to 
Answer one short Question of mine? 

Quaker. I be not obliged to Answer thy Question. 

Minister. I must contrive some fair way to Compel some 
Answer unto this one Question. Give me leave therefore to 
tell you, That if you do not Answer this Question, you go away 


conquered and confounded. Yea, Sirs, I must in Faithfulness 
tell you That you carry away the dreadful Mark of Hereticks 
upon you. Even, To be Condemned in your own Conscience. 
You go away Self-Condemned, That you don't keep the Com- 
mandments of Jesus Christ; and Therefore That you are — 
what you Remember the Apostle John said concerning you. 

Quaker. I don't condemn Thee for using Baptism with 

Minister. This is no Answer to the Question still: For 
you don't observe it your self; neither you, nor any Quakers 
under Heaven. Wherefore I still urge for an Answer. 

Quaker. Thou art not Civil to us. Is this thy Civility to 
Strangers? We have heard a Great Fame of thee, for thy Civil 
and obliging carriage towards others that are not of thy per- 
swasion. But now thou art uncivil to us. That which I have 
to say, is, I will keep to that Book, the Bible, and I will preach 
what is in that Book. 

Minister. (Taking up the Bihle.) Friend, you pretend then 
to understand this Book. I do here make you this offer. That 
I will immediately Turn you to Ten several places in one Book 
of this Holy Bible, (the Chronicles) And if you can give me a 
Tolerable Solution of any one of them, I'll acknowledge that 
you are worthy to preach out of it. 

Quaker. Canst thou do it thy self? 

Minister. I Humbly Hope I can. 

Quaker. How dost thou know that I can't? 

Minister. I say you can't. Now do you Accept my offer: 
If you can I'll own, that I have wrong'd you. 

Quaker. What's that to thee, what I can do? 

Minister. Look you. Neighbours; I think, 'tis to no pur- 
pose, to proceed unto any other points, with such unreasonable 
Folks as these. You see, how 'Tis. If you desire it, I'll pro- 

Neighbours. No, Sir, 'tis to no purpose, they are a people 
of no Reason. 

Quaker. Nay, Friend M — , I would not have thee to be so 
Hard upon us; I mean Thee no Harm. I hear, thou takest a 
great deal of pains for the good of thy people; And they will 
do well, to Hearken to Thee. I have Rebuked some of them 
for speaking Evil of thee. Yea, It is my Judgment, That thou, 


and other such Ministers as Thou art, ought Honourably to be 
maintained by the people. 

Minister. You differ from all your Friends, methinks. 
What? Would you have us to be Hirelings? 'Tis very strange 
to hear a Quaker plead for the Maintenance of our Ministry. 
But for your satisfaction, I'll tell you. The people whom I 
Serve I never once in all my Life Ask'd for any Maintenance 
or Salary; and I never made any Agreement with them about 
any Salary in all my Life. 

Quaker. I say, I would not have Thee too Hard upon 
us. New-England has Persecuted our Friends at a grievous 

Minister. Nay, Friends, Be not you too Hard upon me, 
about that matter. I Approve Persecution, as Little as any 
of you all. I abhor it. I have Preach'd against it, I have Writ 
against it, I have Bewailed the mistakes that some Good men 
have committed in it. I would have you Treated with all the 
Civility, imaginable. I would not have the Civil Magistrate 
inflict upon you the Damage of one Farthing for your Con- 

Quaker. But now, you may see, how the Judgments of 
God are come upon the East-Country, by the Indians, for your 

Minister. I can't tell That neither. For tho' I am sorry 
at my Heart, that ever you were Persecuted: Yet I can't say, 
That because Boston was guilty of Persecution, therefore 
Newichawannick,^ and Casco-Bay, (places in other Provinces) 
that never had any such thing in it, must be cut off. 

Quaker. Yes, they Persecuted at the Eastward. There 
were Two Women, of our Friends, cruelly Scourged there. 

Minister. I suppose, you refer to a Story published by 
one George Bishop,^ a Quaker: he Complains bitterly of the 
New-England Persecution, because there came Two Quaker 
women Stark Naked, into our Public Assemblies, and they 
were carried unto the Whipping-post for it. This was in the 
Northern parts of the Country, as I have been told. These 
Baggages, I beHeve, were the persecuted women you talk of! 

^ Berwick. 

2 Author of the celebrated Quaker martyrology, New England Judged (1661, 


Quaker. Well, and what if they did appear Naked, to 
show the People the Nakedness of their Sins? 

Minister. For Shame, Sirs, let us have no more of this 

Quaker. Why didst thou treat George Keith so hardly? 

Minister. He deserved it when I so Treated him. And 
you Quakers have since Treated him Ten Times worse than 
ever I did. You write whole Books of Railing against him. I 
never got him into Goals, and under Fines. I should have 
been Troubled at any that would have done so. But you have 
done it. Therefore, I believe 'tis best for you to leave that 

And so, after a few other small Pulls, the Saw stood still: 
the Conference ended. 

There are Five or Six witnesses, which I have to attest unto 
the Truth of this Relation, which I have here given, of a Con- 
ference with a Quaker, which had all the Friends far and near 
wondering (as well as wandering) after him. And yet these 
Cretians^ boasted among their Friends, how much they had 
confounded the Minister in this Conference. 

All that I would presume now to Commend unto those 
Towns, which have such Quakers annoying of them, is This: 
Brethren, carry it well, even with all convenient Civility and 
Humanity, towards this Poor Deluded People; while you 
Charge your Children and Servants, that they do not go unto 
their Meetings: and cast not your selves also into Temptation, 
by needlessly being There. But after all, yea, before all, 
make an Experiment, which the Good People at Lyn made a 
little while ago, with a Success truly observable and memorable. 

The Quakers made a more than ordinary Descent upon 
the Town of Lyn, and Quakerism suddenly spread there, at 
such a rate as to Alarum the neighbourhood. The Pastor of 
the Church there Indicted a Day for Prayer with Fasting, to 
Implore the Help of Heaven against the unaccountable En- 
chantment; and the Good People presented accordingly, on 
July 19, 1694, their fervent SuppHcations unto the Lord, that 
the Spiritual Plague might proceed no further. The Spirit of 
our Lord Jesus Christ gave a Remarkable Effect imto this 
Holy Method of Encountring the Charms of Quakerism: It 

^ I. e., liars; see Titus i. 12. 


proved a Better method, than any Coercion of the Civil Magis- 
trate : Quakerism in Lyn received (as I am informed) a Death- 
Wound, from that very day; The Number of Quakers in that 
place hath been so far from Increasing, that I am told, it hath 
since rather Decreased notably. Now let other Endangered 
Plantations Go and do likewise. 

The Quakers are such enemies to the Holy Religion, which 
is the Life of New-England, That you must Excuse my con- 
cern to have you Fortify'd against their Attempts also, while 
I am giving you an History of your other Enemies. What all 
of them would be at, metlunks, was a little intimated by what 
One of them once Declared. The Globe-Tavern was near our 
Publick and Spacious Meeting-House at Salem; and a Noted 
Quaker there caused a paper to be set up on the Door of that 
Meeting-House, which had such Stuff as this written in it. 

Beware, Beware, and Enter not! 

But rather to the Globe and spend a Pot. 

This is but like a passage mentioned in the Life of that 
Excellent man Mr. P. Henry, lately published.^ A Debauched 
gentleman in his Revels, Drinking and Swearing, at Malpas, 
was Reproved by a Quaker, then in his Company. "Why," said 
the Gentleman, "I'll ask thee one Question, whether it is better 
for me to follow Drinking and Swearing, or to go and Hear 
Henry?" The Quaker answered, " Nay, of the Two, rather follow 
thy Drinking and Swearing." Behold the Spirit of Quakerism ! 
Wlien I once compelled a Quaker to confess, that the Body of 
Jesus of Nazareth rose from the Grave, and went up into the 
Heavens, he begg'd me that I would not improve his confession, 
as if made on the behalf of all his Friends. And another of 
them, as I hear, publickly Held-Forth in one of his late Ster- 
corations, That the Husks of the Swine, on which the Prodigal 
fed in the Parable, were the Bread and Wine, in that which 
People call. The Sacrament. 

But what will become of those Forlorn Villages, that shall 
Resign themselves to the conduct of that Light within, which 
our Sacred Scriptures indeed never expressly mention but once 

^Philip Henry (1631-1696), English non-conformist divine; biography by 
his son, Matthew Henry the commentator (London, 1696). 


or twice, and then call it, Real Darkness ; and which may lead 
men to all this wickedness? There was among the Mahometans 
in the Eastern parts of the World, a Sect called Batenists, from 
the Arabic, Baten, (which signifies within:)^ who were the 
Enthusiasts that followed The Light within, like our Quakers; 
and on this principle, they did such Numberless Villainies, that 
the World was not able to bear them. None of all their Dia- 
bolical Raveries which I know I am now pulling on my self, 
and which I value no more, than if they came from the Pouliats 
of Malabar, shall frighten me from soliciting your Christian 
Cares and Prayers, That you may be not over-run with English 
Batenists. And I must solicitously make the Observation, 
That although such a Number of Quakers in our Nation be a 
dreadful Judgment of God upon men, smiting them with 
Spiritual Plagues for their Unfruitfulness and Unthankfulness 
under the Gospel: nevertheless, 'tis a special Favour of God, 
that the Number of Quakers is no Greater; for if they should 
multiply, not only would Christianity be utterly Extinguished, 
but Humanity it self Exterminated. It is well known. That 
when a Quaker had Stolen an Hour-glass, their Mahomet, 
GeorgeFox, (of whom Sol. Eccles, in a Sheet, call'd. The Quakers 
Challenge, pag. 6, says, He was the Christ,) thus vindicated it, 
{Great Myst., pag. 77.) "As for any being moved of the Lord, 
to take away your Hour-glass from you, by the Eternal Power 
it is owned." Reader, Dost not thou even Tremble to think, 
what a Dark land we should have, if it should ever be fiU'd 
with these pretended followers of the Light, who wear the 
Name of Tremblers? In Truth, I know not unto what better 
one might compare them, than unto the Macheveliors growing 
upon St. Lucia; Trees which bear Apples of such an Odour and 
Colour as invites people to Eat thereof; but it is horribly 
Dangerous to do so; for there is no Antidote that can secure 
a man from speedy Death, who hath once tasted of them. 
The Leaf of the Trees makes an Ulcer on any place touched 
with it; the Dew that falls from them fetches off the Skin; 
the very Shadow swells a man, so as to kill him, if he be not 
speedily helped. 

^Batinites were, in a broader sense, those Muslims who found under the 
letter of the Koran a hidden, esoteric meaning. Mather uses the term in a nar- 
rower sense, specifically for the sect of the Assassins. 


Article XXX. 
Things to Come. 

From Relating of Things past, it would no doubt be very- 
Acceptable to the Reader if we could pass to Foretelling of 
Things to come. Our Curiosity in this point may easily come 
to a Degree Culpable and Criminal. We must be Humbly 
content, with what the God in whose Hands are our Times, 
hath Revealed unto us. 

Two things we will venture to insert. 

First, for our selves, at home. Let us Remember an awful 
Saying of our Goodwin, ^ quoted by my Reverend Friend Mr. 
Noyes, in his late Excellent Sermon at our Anniversary Election. 

"As you Look for Storms in Autumn, and Frosts in Winter, 
so Expect Judgments where the Gospel hath been Preached; 
for the Quarrel of the Covenant must be Avenged." 

Secondly. For the Church abroad, I am far from deserting 
what was asserted, in the Sermon Preached at our Anniversary 
Election in the year, 1696.^ "The Tidings which I bring 
unto you are. That there is a revolution and a reformation, at 
the very Door, which will be vastly more wonderful than any 
of the Deliverances yet seen by the Church of God from the 
Beginning of the World. I do not say That the Next year 
will bring on this Happy Period; but this I do say. The Bigger 
part of this Assembly may, in the course of Nature, Live to 
see it. These Things will come on, with horrible Commotions, 
and Concussions, and Confusions: The mighty Angels of the 
Lord Jesus Christ will make their Descent, and set the World 
a Trembling at the Approaches of their Almighty Lord: They 
will Shake Nations, and Shake Churches, and Shake mighty 
Kingdoms, and Shake once more, not Earth only, but Heaven 

Unto these two Things, my Reader will not misimprove it, 
I hope, if I add a Third, lately fallen into my Hands; and 
never yet so Exposed unto the Publick. 

1 Thomas Goodwin, D. D., (1600-1680), eminent English Independent di- 
vine. Nicholas Noyes, minister at Salem, preached the election sermon of 1698. 

^ By Mather himself. Things for a Distress' d People to think upon (Boston, 


A Wonderful Matter Incontestably Demonstrated, and much Desired 
by some Good Men to be in this place Communicated. 

Mr. John Sadler, a very Learned and a very Pious man, and a 
most Exemplary Christian, Lay Sick in his Bed at his Mannor, of 
Warmwell, in Dorset-Shire: In the year 1663, In the Time of his Ill- 
ness, he was visited by Mr. Cuthbert Bound, the Minister of Warm- 

Mr. Sadler then desired his man, (one Thomas Gray,) to see that 
there should be no body else in the Room, and Lock the Door, and 
give him the Key. 

He then Sat up in his Bed, and asked Mr. Bound and the Attend- 
ant Gray, Whether they Saw no body? And whether they did not 
hear what a person said, that stood at the corner of the Chamber? 
They Replied, No. He wondered at it, and said. The man spake so 
loud that the whole Parish might hear him. 

Hereupon, calling for a Pen and Ink, he wrote what was told him, 
and made Them set their Hands to it, for he told them the man would 
not be gone, till he had seen that done. 

The Articles written down were, 

I. That there would, after so many months, be a Plague in 
London, whereof so many would Dye, (Naming the Number.) 

II. That the greatest part of the City would be Burnt, and 
Paulsi he particularly show'd him, Tumbled down into Ruins, as if 
Beaten down with Great Guns. 

III. That there would be Three Sea-Fights, between the Eng- 
lish and the Dutch. 

IV. That there would appear Three Blazing Stars; the Last 
of which would be terrible to behold. (He said. The man show'd 
him the Star.) 

V. That afterwards, there would come Three small Ships to 
Land in the West of Weymouth, which would put all England in an 
uproar, but it would come to nothing. 

VI. That in the year 1688, there would come to pass such a 
Thing in the Kingdom, as all the world would take notice of. 

VII. That after this, and after some further Disturbance, there 
would be Happy Times; And a Wonderful Thing would come to pass, 
which he was not now to Declare. 

VIII. That he and his man (Gray) should Dye, before the 
Accomplishment of these things, but Mr. Bound should Live to see it. 

IX. For the confirmation of the whole, the man thus appear- 
ing, told him, That he should be well the next Day; and there would 

1 St. Paul's cathedral. 


come Three men to visit him, One from Ireland, One from Guernsey, 
and his Brother Bingham. 

Accordingly, the Day following, Mr. Sadler went abroad: And 
this Day there accidentally met at his House, and so Dined with him. 
First, the Lord Steel, who had been Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and 
now returning from thence, in his way to London, came to see Mr. 
Sadler: Secondly, Monsieur de la Marsh, a French Minister from 
Guernsey; and Lastly, his Brother Bingham. 

Mr. Bound, and Gray, within Three Days after this, made 
Affidavit of it, before Colonel Giles Strangewayes, and Colonel 
Cocker, who is yet alive. 

Mr. Daniel Sadler, and Mr. John Sadler, the Sons of this old Mr. 
Sadler, very serious and worthy Christians, are at this Time Living in 
Rotterdam; one of them is His Majesties Agent for Transportation. 

Mr. Daniel Sadler, making his Applications to Mr. Bound for 
his Testimony about this matter, the said Old Mr. Bound, in a Letter 
dated, Warmwell, Aug. 30, O. S., 1697, asserts the matter at large 
unto him, and Subscribes, This I shall testify before the King him- 
self, if occasion be, when he comes into England. 


yet Minister of Warmwell. 

Mr. Daniel Sadler ha's this Testimony further fortifyed by a 
Letter from One Mr. Robert Loder; telling him, That he had met 
with an Old Copy of the Depositions aforesaid, which accordingly 
he transcribes for him; and several yet living in Dorchester affirm'd 
unto him the Truth of the Story. 

The Copies of these Letters are now in Boston, in New-England. 

Mr. John Sadler adds his Testiinony, That his Father told unto 
his Mother, and himself. That he had been told of Remarkable Things 
to come to pass, particularly, the Burning of London and Pauls. 
But that they were not acquainted with all the matters he foretold 
unto Mr. Bound, and Gray. Only he Remembers well They Two 
were with him in his Chamber alone; and his Father went abroad 
within a day or two; and that, (according to the Sign he had given 
to them,) the Three Persons aforesaid visited him. He adds, that 
his Father spoke of leaving in Writing the things that had been 
Shown to him; and that a little after, he saw once a Thin Octavo 
Manuscript in his Father's Study, which he believed had those things 
in it; but after that, he could never find it. This Testimony is 
Dated in October, 1697. 

A Worthy and a Godly Gentleman, at this Time Living 
in Roterdam, and well-acquainted with both Mr. Daniel and 


Mr. John Sadler, Sends this to Mr. Increase Mather, in New- 
England, with a Letter, Dated, 26th March, 1698. 

Reader, I am not Ignorant, that many Cheats and Shams 
have been Imposed upon the World, under the Notion of Com- 
munications from the Invisible World; and, I hope, I am not 
becoming a Visionary. But Fancies and Juggles have their 
Foundation laid in Realities : there would never have been Im- 
postures of Apparitions, and of Communications from the In- 
visible World, if there never had been Really some such things 
to be Counterfeited and Imitated. Wise men therefore wUl 
count it a Folly in its Exaltation and Extremity, to Deride all 
Instances of Strange Things arriving to us from the Invisible 
World, because that Some Things have been Delusions. No, 
'tis a Wisdom, that is pleasing to God, and useful to the World, 
for a due Notice to be taken of rare Things, wherein we have 
Incontestable Proofs of an Invisible World, and of the Interest 
it hath in Humane Affairs. The Narrative of Mr. Sadler is ad- 
vantaged with such Incontestable Proofs, and contains in it 
such Notable passages, that I believe I do well to lay it before 
Serious Men; and I believe no Serious Men will play the Buffoon 
upon it. By no means pretend I to pass any Judgment upon 
this Remarkable Narrative ; by no means do I presume to tell 
what I think of it, any more than this, that it is Remarkable. 
Nevertheless, for the Caution of unwary Readers, I will annex 
the words of an Excellent Writer upon Divine Providence. 

Watch against an Unmortified Itch after Excentrical or Extraor- 
dinary Dispensations of Providence. Luther said, The Martyrs, 
without the Apparition of Angels, being conJSrmed by the word of 
God alone, died for the Name of Christ; and why should not we 
acquiesce? And he observeth how the Devil hath greatly deluded 
parties who have been gaping after Visions. 

Nor will it be unprofitable, to recite the words of another 
Author, whom I must quote, as R. David Kimchi did use to 
quote R. Joseph Kimchi, under the Title of Adoni Avi.^ 

^ Rabbi David Kimchi (1160-1235) and his father Rabbi Joseph Kimchi 
(1105 m.-1170 ca.) were celebrated Hebrew grammarians, exegetes, and contro- 
versiaUsts of Narbonne. Adoni Avi, "my lord father," means Increase Mather. 


Evil Angels do now appear, more often than Good Ones. 'Tis 
an unwarrantable, and a very Dangerous Thing, for men to wish, 
that they might see Angels, and converse with them. Some have 
done so; and God hath been provoked with them for their Curiosity 
and Presumption, and hath permitted Devils to come unto them, 
whereby they have been Deceived and Undone. 

More Particular Prognostications, upon the Future State of 


But, Oh, my dear New-England, Give one of thy Friends 
Leave, to utter the Fears of thy best Friends concerning thee ; 
and consider, what Fearful cause there may be for thee to 
expect sad things to come? If every Wise man be a Prophet, 
there are some yet in thee, that can Prophesy. Predictions 
may be form'd out of these 

Reasonable Expectations. 

I. Where Schools are not Vigorously and Honourably 
Encouraged, whole Colonies will sink apace into a Degenerate 
and Contemptible Condition, and at last become horribly Bar- 
barous: And the first Instance of their Barbarity will be, that 
they will be undone for want of Men, but not see and own what 
it was that undid them. 

II. Where Faithful Ministers are Cheated and Grieved, 
by the Sacriledge of people that Rebel against the Express 
Word of Christ, Let him that is Taught in the Word, Communi- 
cate unto him that Teacheth in all Good Things,^ the Righteous 
Judgments of God will Impoverish that people; the Gospel 
will be made Lamentably Unsuccessful unto the Souls of such 
a people; the Ministers will either be fetch'd away to Heaven, 
or have their Ministry made wofully Insipid by their Incum- 
brances on Earth. 

HI. Where the Pastors of Churches in a Vicinity despise 
or neglect Formed Associations for mutual Assistance in their 
Evangehcal Services, Wo to him that is alone.^ 'Tis a sign, 

1 Galatians vi. 6. 

2 The first ministerial association in Massachusetts was formed in 1690. 
The movement spread rapidly, and the institution became a permanent part of 
New England Congregationalism. The list of "reasonable expectations" is of 
course one of Mather's "tracts for the times." 


either that some of the Pastors want Love to one another, or 
that others may be conscious to some Fault, which may dis- 
pose them to avoid Inspection; but fatal to the Churches will 
be the Tendency of either. 

IV. Where Churches have some Hundreds of Souls under 
their Discipline; but the single Pastors are not strengthened, 
with Consistories of Elders, or an Agreeable Number of wise, 
and good and grave men, chosen to join with the Pastor, as 
their President in that part of his Work, which concerns the 
Well-Ruling of the Flock, there Discipline will by Degrees be 
utterly Lost; The Grossest Offenders will by degrees, and thro' 
parties, be scarce to be dealt withal. 

V. Where Pastors do not Quicken Orderly Private Meet- 
ings of both Elder and Younger Christians, for Exercises of 
Religion, in their Neighbourhood, the Power of Religion will 
observably Decay, among those Christians; the Seed sown in 
the Publick will not so much prosper, for want of being watred 
in private : And when the Pastor shall fall sick, there will not 
be so much as one company of Christians in all his Flock that 
can come together to pray for his Life. 

VI. Where Churches professing a Great Reformation, 
shall in their Constitution cease to Represent unto the World 
the Holiness of the Lord Jesus Christ, and of His Heavenly 
Kingdom, they will become Loathsome to that Holy Lord; 
their Glory is gone, and their Defence goes with it; the dread- 
ful Wrath of Heaven will Astonish the World with the Things 
which it will do unto them. 

VII. Where Churches are Loth to give unto Councils 
regularly, upon Complaints Enquiring into their Administra- 
tions, an Account thereof, 'tis much to be suspected, that they 
are Chargeable with Male- Administrations ; and if the Advice 
of Regular Councils come once to be trod under foot by any 
Particular Churches, all serious men will be afraid of joining 
to such Unaccountable Societies. 

VIII. Where a mighty Body of people in a Country are 
violently set upon running down the ancient Church State in 
that Country, and are violent for the Hedge about the Com- 
munion at the Lord's Table to be broken down, and for those 
who are not Admitted unto the Communion, to stand on equal 
Terms in all Votes with them that are; the Churches there are 


not far from a tremendous Convulsion, and they had need use 
a marvellous Temper of Resolution with Circumspection to 
keep it off. 

IX. Where Churches are bent upon Backsliding, and car- 
ried away with a strong Spirit of Apostasie, whatever Minister 
shall set himself to withstand their Evil Bents, will pull upon 
himself an inexpressible contempt and hatred; Be his merits 
never so Great, a Thousand Arts will be used for to make him 
Little ; he had need be a man of Great Faith, and Great Prayer; 
But God will at length Honour such a man, with wonderful 

X. Where a Fountain shall become Corrupt, there the 
Streams will no longer Make Glad the City of God. 

XI. The Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, we have with 
much expence lately sent unto several of our Southern Planta- 
tions:^ if it be Rejected, there are terrible things to come upon 
them; 'twere better to have Lived in Sodom, than in one of 
those Plantations. 

XII. God prepare our dear Brethren in Connecticut, for 
certain Changes that are Impending over them. 

Finally, there was a Town called Amyclse, which was Ruined 
by Silence.^ The Rulers, because there had been some false 
Alarums, forbad all people under pain of Death to speak of 
any Enemies approaching them : So, when the Enemies came 
indeed, no man durst speak of it, and the Town was Lost. 
Corruptions will grow upon the Land, and they will gain by 
Silence : 'Twill be so Invidious to it. No man will dare to speak 
of the Corruptions; and the Fate of Amyclse will come upon 
the Land. 

Reader, I call'd these things Prophecy; But I wish I be not 
all this while Writing History. 

Now, if any Discerning persons apprehend any Dangers to 
Impend over New-England, from any of the Symptoms men- 
tioned, it is to be hoped, they will Employ their best Thoughts, 
how to Anticipate those Dangers. And whereas, 'tis the sense 

* An allusion chiefly to the Puritan migration of 1695 to Dorchester, South 
CaroHna. See the Diary of Elder William Pratt, in Narratives of Early Carolina, 
in this series, pp. 189-200. 

* See the article by Professor Ettore Pais, "Amunclae a Serpentibus De- 
letae," in American Historical Review, XIII. 1-10. ^ 


of all men, who discern any thing, that it is in vain to hope 
for any Good, until a Spirit of Grace be poured out from 
Heaven, to dispose men unto it; I beg them to consider, 
whether the only way to obtain that Spirit of Grace be not. 
Humbly to Ask it, by Prayer with Fasting before the God of 

It was therefore an Article in an Advice agreed by some of 
the principal Ministers in this Province; and with the mention 
of that Advice, (which doubtless, all but the Sleeping will 
follow) I'll conclude; "Solemn Days of Prayer with Fasting, 
celebrated in our Churches, to Implore the Grace of God for 
the Rising Generation, would probably be of blessed conse- 
quence, for the Turning of our Young people unto the God of 
our Fathers. The more there is this way ascribed unto Grace, 
the more the Grace of God is like to be communicated; and 
there is in this way a natural and a plentiful Tendency to 
Awaken our Unconverted Youth unto a sense of their Ever- 
lasting Interests; Which, were it generally accomplished, a 
Remarkable Reformation were therein Effected." 



Accomacke, location of, 25. 

Adams, Mrs., of Durham, 253. 

Agamagus (Agamcus, Great Tom, 
Moxus), a Penobscot chief, 226, 229, 
233, 251, 273, 275. 

Ahanquit, a Penobscot chief, 251. 

Ahassombamett, an Indian chief, 251. 

Albany, N. Y., Philip secures ammu- 
nition from, 64; mentioned, 68, 87, 
97, 124 n., 136, 141. 

Alden, Capt. John, 273. 

Alderman, Mr., a guide, 104, 105. 

Alexander (Moanam), an Indian chief, 
7 n., 12 n., 25, 26, 31, 69, 70, 125 n. 

Allen, Rev. James, 38 n. 

America, EngHsh and French coloniza- 
tion in, compared, 3, 171; intercolo- 
nial jealousies in, 4. 

American Antiquarian Society, Trans- 
actions, 122 n. 

Amesbury, Mass., 224, 254. 

Amonoscoggin Fort, expedition against, 
225. See also Lewiston. 

Amonoscoggin River, see Androscoggin. 

Andrews, Lieut. Elisha, 221. 

Andros, Sir Edmund, governor of New 
York, 9, 11, 17, 88; effect of his ad- 
ministration in Massachusetts, 173, 
194; mentioned, 187-190, 193, 194, 

Andros, Lieut. Ehsha, see Andrews. 

Androscoggin River, in Maine, 47 n., 
192 n., 249, 273, 274. 

Annawon, an Indian chief, 105 n. 

Apannow, an Indian chief, 71. 

Apequineah, an Indian, see Monoco. 

Appleton, Major Samuel, 49, 56, 60, 

Aquadocta, 221. 

Arrowsick Island, location of, 41 n. 

Artel, see Hertel, Frangois. 

Ashuelot vaUey, N. H., 136 n., 138. 

Assacombuit, an Indian chief, 276. 

Assawomset pond, location of, 7 n. 

Attawamhood, an Indian, 32. 
Augustus Caesar, referred to, 182. 
Awansomeck, an Indian, 251. 
Awashonks, an Indian queen, 25 n.; 
confused with Weetamoo, 25, 96. 

Backus, Isaac, account of the meeting 

of Roger WiUiams and the Indians, 

87 n. 
Bacon's Rebellion in Virginia, referred 

to, 68 n. 
Bagatawawongo (Sheepscoat John), 251. 
Ball, Jeremiah, see Bull, Jeriah. 
Ball, John, of Lancaster, 118 n. 
Bancroft, Lieut. Thomas, 221, 222, 240. 
Bapson, Ebenezer, of Gloucester, 243, 

Baptists, growth of, 46 n. 
Baquaug River, 129, 130, 146, 147, 159. 
Barbadoes, information from, 71; ne- 
groes plan an insurrection in, 72; 

effects of storm in, 73, 74; mentioned, 

239, 240. 
Barbadoes, Governor of, 73. 
Barnard, Rev. Thomas, of Andover, 270. 
Barret, a mariner, 239. 
Bath, Me., 192 n. 
Batinites, referred to, 292. 
Beers, Capt. Richard, 42, 124. 
Bekker, Balthasar, his De Betooverde 

Wereld cited, 247 n. 
Bellomont, Richard, Lord, 181, 273; 

Mather's eulogy of, 277. 
Belshazzar, referred to, 181. 
Bennett, George, 122 n. 
Bering Strait, 203. 
Berwick, Me., Indian success at, 229, 

236, 267; mentioned, 196, 203, 220. 
Bible, EUot's Indian, 37, 157. 
Bickford, Thomas, of Oyster River, 252. 
Bigot, Rev. Jacques, 273 n. 
Bigot, Rev. Vincent, 273 n. 
Billerica, 260. 




Bishop, George, 289. 

Blackman, Capt. Benjamin, 187, 188, 

Black Point, 220. 

Blackstone, William, information re- 
garding, 84 n., 87. 

Blackstone River, 84 n. 

Blackstone River valley, home of the 
Nipmuck Indians, 34 n. 

Blathwayt, William, influence of, 172. 

Blue Point, Me., 202, 203, 220. 

Bomazeen (Bomaseen), sign§ the peace 
at Pemaquid, 251; seized by the col- 
onists, 255; conference with Mather, 
256-258, 259. 

Boston, 13 n., 14; aid smnmoned from, 
27; aid sent, 29, 30; Indian heads 
sent to, 31, 32; aid sent from, 35; re- 
ceives news of the burning of Brook- 
field, 36; fast in, 38; Indians sent to, 
40; reUef sent to Deerfield, 43; party 
sent to Ninnicroft, 44; agreement 
with Narragansetts at, 45; news of 
ravages near Springfield reaches, 47; 
men sent as rehef, 48; Indians come 
to, 55, 56; additional forces sent to 
Rhode Island, 79; troops disbanded 
at, 80, 92; Indian plan to destroy, 88; 
mentioned, 49, 62 n., 64, 65, 66, 73, 
77, 84, 87, 89, 90, 92, 94, 121 n., 122, 
140, 152, 155, 162, 165, 166, 187, 188, 
191, 193, 194, 214, 240, 255, 256, 259, 
279, 281. 

Boston harbor, Indiana confined in, 
53 n. 

Bound, Rev. Cuthbert, of Warmwell, 
Eng., 294, 295. 

Brackett, Capt. Anthony, killed by 
Indians, 202, 226 n. 

Brackett, Capt. Anthony (son of pre- 
ceding), 226, 255, 256, 268. 

Bradford, Capt. WiUiam, 60, 61 n., 97. 

Bradstreet, Col. Dudley, 270. 

Braintree, Mass., 98. 

Brattle, WiUiam, 228. 

Brief History of the War, by Increase 
Mather, 22, 42 n., 59 n., 61 n. 

Bristol, R. I., see Montop. 

Brocklebank, Capt. Samuel, 92, 93, 152, 

Brookfield, Mass., attack upon, 35, 36, 
38, 42 n., 63, 64, 67, 80, 81, 89, 93, 98, 
123 n., 124, 248. 

Broughton, John, of Dover, 196. 
Brown, John, of Gloucester, 244. 
Brown, John, of Newbury, 260. 
Brown, Capt. John, of Swansey, 270. 
Brunswick, Me., see Pechypscot. 
Bugg, Francis, an opponent of the 

Friends, 280. 
Bulkley, Rev. Gershom, 57. 
Bull, Jeriah or Jireh, of Tower Hill, 

R. I., 56. 
Bumham, an Indian chief, 67, 96. 
Burniff (Burness), a French general, see 

Portneuf, le Sieur de. 

Cadiz, Spain, Indians shipped to, 30. 

Cambridge, Mass., 24, 31, 32, 37, 44, 
109, 111, 121 n., 157 n., 162 n. 

Canada, furnishes Indians with arms, 
26; Phips's expedition against, 47 n., 
214-215; Kirke's expedition against, 
217; mentioned, 200, 201, 204, 205, 
206, 210, 211, 212, 220, 252, 255, 260. 

Canonchet, an Indian chief, 5, 44 n., 
45 n., 55 n., 62 n., 90 n., 91, 136; death 
of, 139 n. 

Canton, see Punkapog. 

Cape EUzabeth, Me., 220. 

Cape Nidduck, 229. 

Carpenter, William, Jr., 66, 79. 

Casco, see Portland. 

Casco Bay, 268, 274-275. See also Port- 

Casteen (Castine), see St. Castin. 

Catter, Mary, of Battery, experience as 
a captive among the Indians, 275- 

Cawnacome, an Indian chief, 71. 

Champlain, Samuel de, 216. 

Charles II., 16, 17, 25 n., 64, 70, 73, 87, 
172, 185 n., 190. 

Charlestown, Mass., fast at, 41; men- 
tioned, 82, 94, 155, 162, 164. 

Chehnsford (Wamesit), an "Indian 
Residence," 33 n., 98. 

Chesterfield, N. H., 138 n. 

Chikkitabak, an Indian chief, 71. 

Chittim, referred to, 37. 

Christian Indians, see Praying Indians. 

Christianity, offered to Indians, 3, 10 n., 
24, 33. 

Chubb, Pascho, takes command at 
Pemaquid, 261; military abihty of, 
261 n.; surrenders Pemaquid to the 



French, 262; massacred at Andover, 

Church, Col. Benjamin, 22, 28 n., 96 n., 
104, 105 n., 199 n., 202; expedition 
against Amonoscoggin Fort, 225; 
third expedition of, 242, 263. 

Chm-ch, John, of Dover, 196, 261. 

Church, Thomas, his Entertaining Pas- 
sages, 22, 104 n., 202 n., 225 n., 242 n., 
263 n. 

Clark, Lieut. Thaddeus, 219. 

Clarke, Capt. Thomas, 44. 

Clarke, WiUiam, 84. 

Coasset, Vt., 133 n. 

Coddington, Governor William, 164. 

Cole, Thomas, of Wells, killed by 
Indians, 261. 

Commissioners of New England, 9 n., 
15, 32, 35, 40, 43 n., 45, 56, 62, 63, 94, 

Concord, Mass., 92, 94, 155 n., 162. 

Concord, N. H., 95 n., 189, 195. 

Connecticut, joins the New England 
Confederation, 4; raises troops, 16, 
34; makes peace with the Narragan- 
setts, 34, 39 n.; fits out a company, 
43; troops for Rhode Island, 56, 59 n.; 
loss at Swamp Fight, 60; withdraws 
troops, 65, 66 n.; troops leave for 
home, 65, 66, 67; troops of, 81, 82, 
90; Indian plan to destroy, 88, 89; 
forces retire, 113; mentioned, 32, 
47 n., 89, 95, 110, 184, 269. 

Connecticut River, 49 n., 64, 95, 96, 
111, 133, 140, 248, 271. 

Connecticut River, valley of, 139 n. 

Consert, CorneUus, 28, 29. 

Converse, Capt. James, 218, 224, 227- 
228; victorious at Wells, 232-238; 
commissioned as major, 248; makes 
peace with the Indians, 273-275. 

Conway, Peter, (Tatatiquinea), a Pray- 
ing Indian, 151, 155. 

Corbin's Sounds, 268. 

Comellis, see Consert, CorneKus. 

Cornwall, Me., 185. 

Corum, Capt. John, see Gorham. 

Counbatant, an Indian chief, 71. 

CoweU, Capt. Edward, 93, 94. 

Cow Island, Me., 268. 

Cromwell, OHver, referred to, 172. 

Cudworth, Major James, 12, 28 n., 30 n. 

Curtis, Ephraim, of Worcester, 63. 

Cutt, John, of Durham, N. H., 253. 
Cutt, Ursula (Mrs. John Cutt), 253. 

Damariscotta River, engagement at, 

Danforth, Thomas, 228. 
Daniel, referred to, 114, 156, 161. 
Dartmouth (New Bedford), destroyed, 

13 n., 30. 
Davenport, Capt. Nathaniel, 56, 58, 59, 

David, referred to, 114, 115, 116, 124, 

134, 144, 145, 148, 166, 167. 
Davis, Lieut. Sylvanus, 202; Captain, 

218 n., 220. 
Dawes, Lieut., 202. 
Day, Ezekiel, of Gloucester, 245. 
Day, John, of Gloucester, 246. 
De Arte Nihil Credendi, by Geoffroi 

Valine, sieur de la Planchette, cited, 

Decennium Luctuosum, title page of, vi; 

information regarding, 175; text of, 

Dedham, Mass., 84. 
Deerfield, Mass., in danger, 42; at- 
tacked by Indians, 271. 
Denison, Capt. George, 90, 95. 
Diamond, John, 233; tortured by In- 
dians, 238. 
Dimmock, see Dymmock. 
DivoU, John, of Lancaster, 119. 
DivoU, Mrs. John, Mrs. Rowlandson's 

sister, 119, 149, 154, 155 n. 
DoUiver, Richard, of Gloucester, 245. 
Doney, Robin, signs treaty at Pema- 

quid, 251; seized by the colonists, 

Dorchester, 31, 92, 128, 165. 
Dover (Quechecho), N. H., 163 n., 186, 

195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 203, 207, 209, 

221, 233, 261, 262. 
Downing, Mr., of Kittery, Me., 254. 
Dublet, Tom, (Nepanet), a Christian 

Indian, 151, 155. 
Dudley, Joseph, his administration in 

Massachusetts, 173. 
Dudley, Rev. Samuel, 57. 
Dummer, Rev. Shubael, of York, his 

account of the Indian outbreak in 

Maine, 187; mentioned, 212 n.; killed 

by Indians at York, 230; epitaph on, 




Durham, N. H., 202, 248; devastated, 
252, 270. 

Dustan, Mrs. Hannah, of Haverhill, 
capture and escape of, in 1697, 263- 
266; rewarded by Maryland and 
Massachusetts, 266. 

Dutch, win the Iroquois, 4; feared by 
New England, 78; Indian plans 
against, 88. 

Dutch, Robert, 42 n. 

Dymmock, Capt. Thomas, of Barn- 
stable, 269. 

Eames, Thomas, of Sudbury, 80 n. 

Eastern Indians, war begun with, 14, 
186. See also tribes by name and local 

Eastern Settlements, see Maine and 
local towns. 

Easton, John, Reladon by, 7; impar- 
tiality of, 5; biographical informa- 
tion regarding, 6. 

Easton, Nicholas, father of John, 6. 

Edgeremet (Egeremet),an Indian leader, 
makes truce with the colonists, 228; at 
Wells, 233; signs treaty at Pemaquid, 
251; death of, 261. 

EUot, John, work among the Indians, 
10 n., 36, 40, 41, 49, 259; his Indian 
Bible, 37, 157 n., 257. 

Ellary (Ellery), Benjamin, of Glouces- 
ter, 245. 

Ellis and Morris, their King Philip's 
War, referred to, 118 n. 

Emerson (Emmerson), Rev. John, of 
Berwick, 196. 

Emerson, Rev. John, of Gloucester, ac- 
count of wonderful occurrences, 243- 

England, colonization in America, 8, 

Entertaining Passages Relating to 
Philip's War, by Thomas Church, 
cited, 22, 104 n., 202 n., 225 n., 263 n. 

Episcopalians, growth of, 46 n. 

Exeter, N. H., 221, 229, 260, 266. 

Fairbanks, Mary, 275. 
Fairweather, Capt., 267. 
Fall River, Indian attack upon, 12 n. 
Falmouth, see Portland. 
Famham, Capt. John, 197. 
Farrar, Jacob, jr., 122 n. 

Ferguson, Mary, on the sufferings of a 
captive among the Indians, 212. 

Five Nations, won to the Dutch, 4; 
Frontenac attempts to gain for 
France, 204. 

Flagg (Flag), Lieut. Gershom, 203, 224. 

Flagg, William, of Lancaster, 122 n. 

Fletcher, Lieut. William, 268. 

Floyd, Capt. James, 220, 221, 223, 224, 

Foot, Capt. Nathaniel, death of, 224. 

Fort CrSvecceur, 241 n. 

Fort William Henry, 240, 249. 

Fosdyke, a seaman, 239. 

Foster, John, printer and engraver, v. 

Fox, George, 279-284, 292. 

France, colonization in America, 3, 171; 
treatment of the Indians, 256-257. 

Francis, an Indian chief, 70. 

Freeport, Me., 188, 225. 

French, furnish Indians with arms, 26; 
New England's fear of, 78; arouse 
the Indians, 187, 188, 204, 206, 214, 
221, 228, 233, 249, 256-258, 265, 273. 

Fresh Water Indians, see Nipmucks. 

Friends, Society of, growth in New 
England, 46 n.; Mather's opinion of, 
277-281; a supposed dialogue with 
a member of this society, 282-290. 

Frontenac, Louis de Buade, Count, at- 
tempts to win the Iroquois to France, 
204-205; releases Major Hammond, 
260; advises peace, 273. 

Frost, Major Charles, 205, 267. 

Fuller, Capt. Matthew, 28 n. 

Funeral Tribute to the Honourable Du$i 
of that Most Charitable Christian . . . 
John Winthrope esq., A, by Benja- 
min Thompson, cited, 90 n. 

Gallop, Capt. John, 60. 

Gardiner (Gardner, Gamer), Capt. 
Joseph, 56, 60, 202. 

Gedney, Col. Bartholomew, 262. 

Gendell, Capt. Walter, 191, 192. 

George, " Mother," 31. 

George Hill, 121. 

Gerish, Capt. John, 199. 

Gerish, Mrs. Sarah, of Dover, taken 
captive by the Indians, 199; release 
secured by Sir William Phips, 201. 

Gilbert, John, of Springfield, 143. 

Giles, see Gyles. 



Giho, John, an interpreter, 275. 

Glocester (Gloucester), wonderful oc- 
currences at, 243-247- 

Goodridge, Mr. and Mrs., killed by 
Indians, 229. 

Goodwin, Mehitable, experiences in 
captivity among the Indians, 210. 

Goodwin, Rev. Thomas, quoted, 293. 

Gookin, Capt. Daniel, 33 n., 36, 37, 40, 
41, 49, 109; his Historical Account of 
. . . the Christian Indians, 122 n. 

Gorges heirs, Massachusetts purchases 
their claim to Maine, 172. 

Gorham, Capt. John, 60. 

Gouge, Capt. James, 233, 239. 

Grafton (Hassanemesit), an "Indian 
Residence," 33 n. 

Green, Samuel, his editions of the Nar- 
rative of the Captivity of Mrs. Mary 
Rowlandson, 111. 

Greenleaf, Capt. Enoch, sent to treat 
with the Pennacooks, 195; recovers 
captives, 220; defends the frontier, 
232, 260. 

Gresson (Greason), Robert, 218. 

Groton, attacked (1676), 82, 98; (1694) 
252, 253, 266. 

Guggin, see Gookin. 

"G. W.," his letter from Barbadoes, 71; 
note regarding, 73 n. 

Gyles, John, his Memoirs of the Odd 
Adventures, etc., 197 n. See also 

Gyles, Thomas, chief justice of Corn- 
wall, 197. 

Hadley, location, 49 n.; attack upon, 

64, 81, 98; mentioned, 85, 95, 96, 142. 
Hale, John, his Modest Enquiry into the 

Nature of Witchcraft, 242 n. 
Haley (Heley), Sergt. Nathaniel, 260. 
Hall, Capt. Nathaniel, 202. 
Hall, Mr., of Barbadoes, 72. 
Hammond, John, of Gloucester, 245. 
Hammond, Major Lawrence, 259, 260. 
Hannah, referred to, 265. 
Harris, Andrew, 66. 
Hartford, Conn., 43, 91. 
Harvard College, 24, 36, 40, 181, 230 n. 
Hassanemesit (Grafton), an "Indian 

Residence," 33. 
Hatfield, raid upon, 48, 55, 57, 61, 64, 

98, 266, 271; location of, 49 n. 

Haverhill, 229, 254; devastated by the 
Indians, 263-266, 270. 

Hawthorn, Lieut.-Col. John, 259, 263. 

Heard, Mrs. Ehzabeth, avoids capture 
by the Indians, 198. 

Henchman, Capt. Daniel, 28 n,, 41, 

Hennepin, Louis, his Nouvelle Descrip- 
tion . . ., cited, 216. 

Henry, Matthew, 291 n. 

Henry, PhiUp, 291. 

Hertel, Frangois, a French oflBcer, 206. 

Hezekiah, referred to, 145. 

Hill, John, of Saco, 238, 248. 

Hilton, Lieut. Edward, 221. 

Hingham, Mass., 98. 

Hinksman, Capt. Daniel, see Hench- 

Hinsdale, N. H., 140 n., 145. 

Historical Account of the Doings and 
Sufferings of the Christian Indians of 
New England, by Daniel Gookin, 
cited, 122 n. 

History of New England, by John G. 
Palfrey, referred to, 152 n. 

Hoar, George F., Senator from Massa- 
chusetts, 154 n., 155 n. 

Hoar, John, of Concord, arranges for 
the ransom of Mrs. Rowlandson, 
154 n., 155-158, 161. 

Hobart, Rev. Gershom, 254. 

Hooke, Major Francis, 248. 

Hoosic River, 87, 97. 

Hopehood (Wohawa), an Indian, 206, 
220 n., 221. 

Horneybrook, John, an Indian inter- 
preter, 251. 

Hough, Franklin B., editor of Easton'a 
Relacion, 6. 

Hubbard, William, his Narrative of the 
Troubles with the Indians, 22, 24 n., 
42 n., 47 n., 61 n., 89 n.; his map, v; 
mentioned, 163. 

Huckin, Lieut. John, 202. 

Hudson River, 97. 

Hull, Mrs., released by the Indians, 

Hutching, Jonathan, experience as a 
captive among the Indians, 275. 

Hutching, Samuel, 275. 

Hutchinson, Anne, 23, 36, 103, 106. 

Hutchinson, Capt. Edward, 35, 38, 39, 



Hutchinson, Mrs. Edward, 35. 

Hutchinson, Major Elisha, 35 n.; makes 
a truce with Indians, 227; com- 
mander-in-chief of the colonial forces, 

Hutchinson, Richard, information re- 
garding, 21, 23; his Warr in New 
England Visibly Ended, 101-106. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, 35 n. 

Hutchison, see Hutchinson. 

Huttamoiden, an Indian chief, 71. 

Iberville, 262 n. 

Indians, treatment by English and 
French colonists, 3, 30, 33, 171; in 
King Phihp's War, 4, 61 n., 97; efforts 
to Christianize, 10, 24, 36; sold as 
slaves, 13, 16; treatment of captives, 
121-150, 159, 208, 275; agree to ran- 
som Mrs. Rowlandson, 158, 161; 
uprising in Maine, 185, 190; make 
peace at Pemaquid, 249; renew the 
war, 252; request a second treaty, 
259; considered as a bar to the French, 
46. See also various tribes by name 
and Praying Indians. 

Ipswich, Mass., 163. 

Iroquois (Maquas), won to the Dutch 
in New York, 4; Frontenac attempts 
their subjugation, 204. 

Isle of Shoals, 229. 

IsraeUtes, referred to, 8, 126. 

Jackson, Benjamin, signs treaty of 

peace at Pemaquid, 251. 
Jacob, lament of, 126. 
Jamaica, Capt. Moseley at, 28. 
James I., referred to, 69, 71. 
James the Printer, a Praying Indian, 

Jehu, referred to, 130. 
Jennings, Samuel, 280. 
Jeshurun, referred to, 72. 
Jethro, Peter, an Indian scribe, 152. 
Job, referred to, 78, 120, 125, 133, 141, 

John. For Indians so named, see Little 

John, One Eyed John, Sausaman, 

Sheepscoat John, Stonewall John. 
John's Adventure, a ship, 47. 
Johnson, Capt. Francis, 56, 60. 
Jonathan, referred to, 148. 
Jones, Mr., of Swansey, 28 n. 

Joseph, referred to, 114. 
Joshua, an Indian, 32 n. 
Joslin, Mrs. ("Goodwife Joslin"), 128, 

JosUn, Nathaniel, of Lancaster, 109. 

Kattenait, Job, of Natick, 109, 121 n. 

Keith, George, and the Friends, 279, 

Kennebec River, 41 n., 185 n., 189 n., 
192 n., 227 n., 242 n., 249, 273, 274. 

Kennebeck Indians, 273. 

Kennebunk, Me., 192, 268. 

Kerley, Lieut. Henry, 109, 119 n., 162. 

Kerley, Mrs. Henry (EUzabeth White), 
119 n., 120. 

Kerley, William, 119 n., 120. 

Ketterramogis, an Indian chief, 251. 

Kettle, "Goodwife," 155, 163. 

Kettle children, 120 n. 

Key, James, of Dover, experiences in 
Indian captivity, 209. 

Key, John, of Dover, 209. 

Kimchi, Rabbi David, 296. 

Kimchi, Rabbi Joseph, 296. 

King, Capt. Ralph, 229. 

King Philip's War, begun, 12; formally 
declared by the New England Com- 
missioners, 15; causes of, 24; colonial 
and Indian losses during, 4, 97-99; 
end of, 104; Cotton Mather on, 184. 
See also Philip. 

King Philip's War, by Ellis and Morris, 

Kirke, David, his expedition of 1628 
against Canada, 216. 

Kittery, Me., 227, 254, 259, 275. 

Knoles (Knowles), a seaman, 239. 

La Broquerie (Labrocree), leads attack 

on Wells, 233, 239. 
Lake, Capt. Thomas, 41. 
Lakin, Lieut., of Groton, 253. 
Lancaster, attack upon, 80, 83, 98, 109, 

110, 113, 118-121, 151 n., 159, 161, 

Larabe, Lieut., 268. 
Lathrop, Capt. Thomas, 42. 
Lawrence, Capt. Nathaniel, mortally 

wounded at Portland, 219. 
Le Caron, Rev. Joseph, 217. 
Leeds, Daniel, his News of a Trumpet 

sounding in the Wilderness, 280. 



Leverett, Gov. John, 27, 38, 45, 81, 
90, 109, 142, 151 n., 154. 

Lewiston, Me., 273. 

Lewiston Falls, 199, 

Lincoln, 197. 

Little Compton, R. I., 31 n. 

Little John, an Indian, 41 n. 

Littleton (Nashoba), an "Indian Resi- 
dence," 33 n., 151 n. 

Loder, Robert, letter of, 295. 

Lonsdale, R. I., 84 n. 

Lorenzo de' Medici, referred to, 181. 

Lot, referred to, 114. 

Lot's wife, referred to, 132. 

Love, Rev. William De L., his Fast and 
Thanksgiving Days of New England, 
163 n. 

Lowell (Wamesit), an "Indian Res- 
idence," 33 n. 

Machias, Me., 228 n. 
McLoud, Mordecai, of Lancaster, 122 n. 
McLoud, Mrs. Mordecai, 122 n. 
Macquoit (Freeport), Me., 188, 226, 

Madaumbis, an Indian chief, 251. 
Madockawando, an Indian chief and 

father-in-law of Baron de St. Castin, 

190, 229, 233, 249 n.; signs treaty at 

Pemaquid, 251; death of, 273. 
Maine, minor conflicts in, 105 n.; Mas- 
sachusetts purchases claim to, 172; 

ravages in, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 

249, 250. 
Manchester, N. H., 189 n. 
Manning, Nicholas, signs treaty at 

Pemaquid, 251. 
March, Capt. John, 229, 240, 255, 261, 

Mare Point, 274, 275. 
Marlborough, 68, 80, 82, 89; destroyed, 

92, 98, 122 n. 
Marshal (Marshall), Capt. Samuel, 

Marshfield, Gov. Winslow entertains 

Alexander at, 26 n. 
Maryland, 266. 
Mason, Capt. John, 60. 
Massachusetts, treatment of Indians, 

3; loss in King PhiUp's war, 4, 172; 

troops enter Rhode Island, 13, 79; 

revolts against Gov. Andros, 194; 

troops in expedition against Canada, 

218; Friends in, 278; mentioned, 184, 
201. See also towns by name, Massa- 
chusetts Bay, and Plymouth. 

Massachusetts, archives of, cited, 42 n., 
47 n. 

Massachusetts Bay, in the New Eng- 
land Confederation, 4; relations with 
Indians, 9 n., 33; furnished aid of 
troops, 13, 27, 29, 56, 82; makes peace 
with the Narragansetts, 39 n.; orders 
of Council of, 45, 62, 94, 163; relations 
with Rhode Island, 56, 79 n. ; Joseph 
Rowlandson at, 121, 140. See also 
Massachusetts, New England, and 
local towns. 

Massachusetts, General Cotirt, 151 n. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, first 
American Thanksgiving broadside 
in, 163 n. 

Massasoit, an Indian chief, 26, 69-71. 

Mather, Rev. Cotton, 38 n.; biograph- 
ical information regarding, 174; char- 
acter of, 175; his Decennium LuctiiO' 
sum, 170-300; his merits as a historian, 
176; on witchcraft, 242, 247; confer- 
ence with Bomazeen, 256-258; on 
the Society of Friends, 277-292; his 
Reasonable Expectations for New Eng- 
land, 297. 

Mather, Rev. Increase, 38 n.; opinion 
of John Easton, 5; on the death of 
Sausimun, 8 n., 25 n.; his Brief His- 
tory, 22, 42 n., 61 n.; ceases to be 
President of Harvard College, 174; 
various pubhcations of, 175; letter 
to, 296. 

Maule, Thomas, 278, 279, 287; publi- 
cations of, 278 n.; supposed conver- 
sation with, 282-289. 

Medfield, attack upon, 80-81, 127, 135, 

Memoirs of the Odd Adventures, by John 
Gyles, 197. 

Menameset, an Indian town, 123 n., 
145 n. 

Mendon, 30, 39 n., 43, 63. 

Merepoint (Mares Point), 274, 275. 

Merrimac River, 189 n., 196, 240. 

Merrymeeting Bay, 192, 254. 

Mesandowit, Simon, an Indian, 196. 

Metacom, see Philip. 

Miantonomo, an Indian chief, 90, 91; 
information regarding, 90 n. 



Middleborough, Plymouth Co., Mass., 

Miller's River, 128 n., 129, 145 n. 
Milton, Mass., 92 n., 152 n. 
Minor, Manasseh, of Dorchester, at- 
tack on house of, 31. 
Mississippi River, 249. 
Moanam, see Alexander. 
Modockawando, see Madockawando. 
Mohawks, an Indian tribe, 88, 97, 143, 

Mohegans (Mohicans), an Indian tribe, 

34 n., 88, 89, 90, 91. 
Monoco (One-eyed John), an Indian, 

83, 122. 
Montop, King Philip's capital, 5, 25, 

62, 63, 96 n., 104; captured by the 

English, 29, 38 n., 105. 
Montreal, 212. 

Moody (Moodey), Rev. Joshua, 228. 
More, Caleb, a sea captain, 103. 
Morgan, a seaman, 239. 
Morse, John, 29. 
Moseley, Capt. Samuel, 28, 30, 39, 40, 

81, 89, 92, 122; at Deerfield, 42, 43; 

at Hatfield, 48, 49 n.; at Swamp 

Fight, 56-60. 
Moses, referred to, 167. 
"Mother George," of Dorchester, 31. 
Mount Hope, see Montop. 
Moxus, see Agamagus. 
Musgrove, Jabez, remarkable recovery 

from wounds, 223. 

Naananto, see Canonchet. 

Nabal, alluded to, 79. 

Narragansett, R. I., 63, 66, 68, 82, 85, 

90, 96, 98, 121, 136. 
Narragansett Bay, 66. 
Narragansett Pier, R. I., 56 n. 
Narragansetts, an Indian tribe, 5, 13, 

14, 16, 31 n., 34, 39 n., 42, 44, 80, 81, 

89, 97, 112, 113; make peace, 45; 

feared, 48, 55, 57, 58, 60, 62, 64, 71; 

their garrison burned, 82. 
Narrative of the Captivity of Mrs. Mary 

Rowlandson, 107-167; cited, 55 n.; 

various editions of. 111. 
Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians, 

by William Hubbard, cited, 22, 24 n., 

42 n., 47 n., 59 n., 61 n., 67 n., 89 n.; 

maps in, v. 
Nash, a seaman, 239. 

Nashaway, see Lancaster. 
Nashoba (Lancaster), an "Indian Res- 
idence," 33. 
Natick (Natchick), an "Indian Res- 
idence," 33. 
Nattawahunt, an Indian chief, 71. 
Neetop Indians, see Praying Indians. 
Neff, Mrs. Mary, of Haverhill, 263-266. 
Negroes, in Barbadoes, 72. 
Nelson, Peter, of the New York ar- 
chives, 6. 
Nepanet, see Dublet, Tom. 
New Bedford, see Dartmouth. 
New Braintree, Mass., 123 n. 
Newbury, Mass., 163, 164, 254, 260. 
New England, jealousies in, 4, 79; John 
Smith's map of, 25 n.; trade with 
Virginia, 68; sends aid to Virginia, 73; 
fears the Dutch and French, 78, 267; 
conditions under William and Mary, 
173, 189; Andros, governor of, 189; 
mentioned, 191, 192, 193, 194, 208, 
211, 214, 227, 228, 231, 254, 256, 260, 
269, 276, 278, 279. 
Newichawannic, 267. 
New London, Conn., 89, 95. 
Newman, Rev. Noah, 104, 164. 
Newmarket, N. H., 221, 224. 
New Plymouth, see Plymouth. 
Newport, a British warship, 262. 
News from New England, cited, 98 n. 
New York, aids Virginia, 73; advice 

from, 87; mentioned, 187, 188. 
Niagara Falls, 255. 
Niantics, an Indian tribe, 32 n., 45 n., 

48 n. 
Nichewaug, an Indian village, 128 n., 

145 n. 
Nicholson, Francis, governor of Mary- 
land, 266. 
Nimrod, Philip's lieutenant, 38, 39 n. 
Ninigret, see Ninnicroft. 
Ninnicroft, an Indian chief, 32, 34, 43, 
44, 45 n., 55, 60, 61 n., 65, 89, 90, 91, 
96, 97. 
Nipmoog River, see Blackstone River. 
Nipmoogs, an Indian tribe, see Nip- 
Nipmuck country, 34 n., 63. 
Nipmucks, an Indian tribe, 34, 35, 39, 

42, 63, 64; location of, 34 n., 112. 
Nipnets, see Nipmucks. 
Nitamemet, an Indian chief, 251. 



Norridgewock (Narridgaway), 273. 

Northampton, 81, 89, 95, 98, 135, 136. 

North Church, of Boston, 38. 

Northfield, Mass., 124, 131, 132. 

North Yarmouth, Indian attack upon, 
187, 188, 191, 192. 

Norton, Freegrace, 49 n. 

Norway Plains, 200. 

Norwich, Conn., 89. 

Nouvelle Description d'un trbs grand 
Pays situe dans I'Amerique, etc., by 
Louis Hennepin, cited, 216 n. 

Nowell, Rev. Samuel, 57. 

Noyes, Capt. Nicholas, 196. 

Noyes, Rev. Nicholas, of Salem, 293. 

Obbatinna, an Indian chief, 71. 
Obquamehud, an Indian chief, 71. 
Okonhomesitt, an Indian fort, 122 n. 
Old South Church, Boston, 36 n., 38, 

110, 165. 
OUver, Capt. James, 40, 41, 44, 45, 56, 

Oliver, Thomas, 40. 

One-eyed John, an Indian, see Monoco. 
Oneko, an Indian, 32, 34 n. 
Orange, Mass., 129 n., 145 n. 
Osland, Humphrey, 68. 
Ounsakis, Phill., an Indian interpreter, 

Oyster River, N. H., see Durham. 

Paige, Capt. Nicholas, 28 n. 

Pais, Professor Ettore, 299 n. 

Palfrey, John G., 152 n. 

Palmer (Palmes), Major Edward, 89. 

Paquaharet (Nathaniel), an Indian 
chief, signs treaty at Pemaquid, 251. 

Parkman, Francis, his Count Frontenac 
and New France, 174. 

Pascataqua, N. H., 144. See also Pisca- 

Pattishall, Richard, of Boston, cap- 
tured and killed by the Indians, 197. 

Patuxit, R. I., 66. See also Potuxit. 

Paul, referred to, 143. 

Pawcatucke, R. I., 82. 

Pawcatuck River, R. I., 32 n. 

Pawtuckets, an Indian tribe, 95 n. 

Paxton, Capt., 262 n. 

Pechypscot (Pejebscot, Brunswick), 193, 
225, 226, 229. 

Pemaquid, Andros builds fort at, 193; 

Phips rebuilds the fort, 193 n., 240; 
surrendered to Indians, 197; peace of 
1693 signed at, 249-251; surrendered 
to the French by Pascho Chubb, 262; 
mentioned, 190, 195, 197, 248, 254, 
259, 260, 261. 

Penhallow, Samuel, of Portsmouth, his 
relation regarding the Sieur de Vin- 
celotte, 204; information regarding, 
205 n. 

Pennacooks (Penny cooks), a division of 
the Abenaki or Pawtucket- Indians, 
95, 189, 196; attack Casco, 218-219; 
make peace with colonists, 249-251. 

Pennsylvania, treatment of Indians by, 
3, 280. 

Penobscot, Me., 262, 273. 

Penobscot River, 249. 

Pepper, Robert, visits Mrs. Rowland- 
son, 124. 

Pequots (Pequods), war against in New 
England, 4, 88, 89, 90, 91. 

Petananuet (Petownonowit), an Indian, 
26 n. 

Peter, 57 n. See also Conway, Peter; 
Jethro, Peter. 

Petersham, Mass., 128 n., 145 n. 

Pettaquamscut, R. I., 56 n. 

PhiUp, 5, 7, 8, 9 n., 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 
24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34, 38, 
39, 42, 43, 53, 55, 57, 61, 62, 63, 64, 
68, 69, 70, 73, 85 n., 87, 88, 96, 97, 
104, 105, 124, 125, 133 n., 134, 135, 
136, 139, 142, 150, 152 n., 157; seeks 
revenge on the English, 25; secures 
ammunition from Albany, 64; winter 
quarters of, 68, 87; wishes to treat 
with Charles II., 73; meets Mrs. Row- 
landson, 134; death of, 104-105; New 
England opinion of, 104; wives of, 

Philips (PhiUips), Col. John, 259, 269, 

Phips, Sir William, erects fort at Pema- 
quid, 193 n., 240; secures release of 
Sarah Gerish, 201; his expeditions 
against Nova Scotia and Canada, 
214-215; arrival at Boston as gov- 
ernor, 240; Indians submit to, 249, 

Pierce, Capt. Michael, 84, 85, 87. 

Pike, Rev. John, of Dover, his Account 
of the Indian Outbreak in Maine, 



186; other narrations by, 198, 199, 
263 n. 

Pike, Joseph, of Newbury, killed by 
Indians, 254. 

Piscataqua, N. H., 196, 198, 220. 

Piscataqua River, 253. 

Plaisted, Lieut. Ichabod, 227. 

Plaisted, Mary (Mrs. James Plaisted), 
information regarding, 212 n.; ex- 
periences as captive among the In- 
dians, 212. 

Plymouth, judges Sausaman murdered, 
7; governor of, 8; relations with In- 
dians, 9 n.; soldiers of, 12, 13; sends 
Sausaman to PhiUp, 24, 54; landing of 
EngUsh at, 25; buys land of the In- 
dians, 26; aid summoned from, 27; 
Indians put in house at, 30; aid ad- 
vised by, 35; neglects the estabhshed 
ministry, 46 n.; receives Philip, 55; 
troops furnished by, 56; news from 
Capt. Bradford, 61 n.; justifies war, 
62 n.; suspected by Rhode Island, 
79 n. ; army of, 97; Indians submit to, 
97; forces retire, 113; mentioned, 69, 
70, 71, 80 n., 82, 84, 184, 226. 

Plymouth, England, 26. 

Plymouth Colony Records, cited, 62 n. 

Pocasset, location of, 25, 31; struggle at, 
21, 31, 38; Philip leaves, 63. 

Point Judith, R. I., 32 n. 

Pokanoket, the Indian name for Mon- 
top, 25 n. 

Poole, Capt. Jonathan, 49 n. 

Portland (Casco, Fahnouth), 187, 188, 
191, 197, 202, 220; taken by the In- 
dians, 218-219, 225, 255. 

Portneuf (Bumiff, Bumess), le Sieur 
Robineau de, 218; at the attack on 
WeUs, 233. 

Portsmouth, N. H., 144, 164, 198, 199, 
204, 261. 

Potucke, information regarding, 96 n.; 
death of, 105. 

Potuxit, R. I., attack upon, 66, 79, 90, 

Pratt, Elder WiUiam, 299 n. 

Praying Indians, towns allotted to, 33; 
used as guides, 35; confined in Boston 
harbor, 63; mentioned, 10, 32, 36, 40, 
47, 49, 54, 122, 151-153, 210, 259. 

Prentice, Capt. Thomas, 13, 28 n., 56, 
57, 93. 

Prescott, John, of Lancaster, 109, 118 n. 

Prince, Isaac, of Gloucester, 244. 

Princeton, Mass., 122 n., 145 n., 154 n. 

Providence, R. I., 86, 87, 94 n., 96, 98, 

Pulcifer (Pulsifer), Benedict, of North 
Yarmouth, 191. 

Pumham, see Bumham. 

Punkapog (Punquapog, Canton), birth- 
place of Sausaman, 7 n.; an "Indian 
Residence," 33 n. 

Purchase, Thomas, 47. 

Pynchon, John, 47. 

Quabaog, (Quabawg, Quaboag), see 

Quaboag Pond, location of, 38 n. 
Quadaquinta, an Indian chief, 71. 
Quaiapen, the "Old Queen of Narra- 

ganset," 96. 
Quakers, cowardice of, 44. See also 

Quamsigamug, see Worcester. 
Quanapaug, see Wiser, James. 
Quaqualh, an Indian, 67. 
Quebec, 201, 214, 217, 217 n., 252. 
Quinnapin, an Indian chief, 44, 55, 56 n., 

57, 65, 105 n., 125, 139 n., 141, 149, 

156, 157. 
Quononshot, see Canonchet. 

Rale, Rev. Sebastian, 273. 

Randolph, Edward, 172, 194. 

Rawson, Edward, Secy. Massachusetts 
Council, 33, 47, 64, 94. 

Read, Thomas, of Hadley, 142. 

Redemption Rock, place of agreement 
for ransom of Mrs. Rowlandson, 
154 n. 

Rehoboth (Seekonk), 12 n., 27, 30, 56, 
63, 82, 84, 86, 98, 164. 

Relacion of the Indyan Warre, by John 
Easton, 7-17. 

Rhode Island, friendly to Indians, 9 n., 
15; jealousy of, 13 n.; political prin- 
ciples of, 17; Narragansett Indians 
in, 31 n.; Nipmuck Indians in, 34 n.; 
churUsh about caring for wounded 
men of other colonies, 79; troops of, 
pursue King Philip, 104. 

Rogers, Robert, burned to death by the 
Indians, 207. 

Roper, Ephraim, of Lancaster, 120 n. 



Rossiter, Col., 222. 

Rouse, Thomasin, experience among the 
Indians, 276. 

Row, John, a Scottish reformer, quoted, 

Row, John, of Gloucester, 245. 

Rowden, Capt., 191. 

Rowlandson, Rev. Joseph., 80 n., 83, 
84, 109-111, 113, 114, 118, 121 n., 
138, 141, 142, 143, 151, 156, 157, 161; 
information regarding, 110; meeting 
with his wife after her ransom, 162, 
163, 164. 

Rowlandson, Joseph, jr., 126, 133, 135, 
136, 137, 140, 142, 144, 163; meeting 
with his mother after their ransom, 

Rowlandson, Mary, 126. 

Rowlandson, Mrs. Mary White, 33 n., 
80 n., 83, 84, 114, 115, 118, 119, 
120; map of her "Removes," vi; 
information regarding, 110; taken 
captive by Indians, 121; leaves Lan- 
caster, 122; death of her child Sarah, 
125; obtains a Bible from the Indians, 
127; meetings with her son Joseph, 
126, 133, 142; is parted from her 
daughter Mary, 128; meets King 
Philip, 134; negotiations for ransom 
of, 147, 150-152, 155-158; observa- 
tions upon the Indians, 159; returns 
to the English, 162; meets daughter 
Mary, 165; reflections upon her ex- 
periences, 165-167. 

Rowley, Mass., 92 n., 152 n., 163 n., 229. 

Roxbury, Mass., John Eliot at, 36 n.; 
soldiers meet at, 41; Indians come 
to, 44, 124. 

Roy all (Royal), John, ransomed by 
Baron St. Castin, 192. 

Rumford, see Concord, N. H. 

Rutherford Island, 259. 

Ryswyk, Peace of, 273. 

Sachem, definition of, 77. 

Saco, Me., 186, 190, 192, 196, 248, 255, 

260, 263, 268. 
Saco FaUs, 195, 196. 
Saco River, 186, 187, 191, 249, 268, 274. 
Sadler, Daniel, of Rotterdam, 295. 
Sadler, John, prophecy of 1663, 294. 
Sadler, John, son of the preceding, 295- 


Sagadahoc, truce with Indians at, 227; 
mentioned, 230, 232. 

Sagamore Sam, an Indian, 155 n. 

St. Castin, Jean Vincent de I'Abadie, 
Baron de, information regarding, 190: 
mentioned, 192. 

St. Croix River, 185 n. 

St. John River, 189 n. 

St. Johns, 263. 

St. Peter, Barbadoes, 73 n. 

Salmon Falls, devastated by the French 
and Indians, 206; mentioned, 212. 

Saltonstall, Nathaniel, information re- 
garding, 21; his narratives regarding 
New England, 19, 53, 75; other re- 
prints of, 22; his summary of colonial 
and Indian losses during King Phihp's 
War, 97-99. 

Sampson, an Indian chief, 275. 

Samson, referred to, 117, 141. 

Sargent, Capt. Peter, 190. 

Sausaman, John, information regard- 
ing, 7 n. ; mentioned, 7, 8, 25, 54, 55, 

Savage, Capt. (Major) Thomas, 29, 81, 
85, 89, 92, 129 n. 

Savage, Lieut., 60. 

Sawgaw, attack upon, 82. . 

Sawyer, Thomas, of Lancaster, 109, 
118 n. 

Scarborough, Me. (Blue Point), 202, 
203, 220. 

Schaghticoke, N. Y. (King Phihp's win- 
ter quarters), 68 n., 87. 

Schenectady, attacked by Indians, 205. 

Scituate, Mass., 84, 98. 

Scodook (Sampson), an Indian, 275. 

Seaconke, see Rehoboth. 

Sealy, Capt. Robert, 60, 65. 

Sebundowit, Indian master of Mrs. 
Sarah Gerish, 200. 

Seekonk, see Rehoboth. 

Senecas, an Indian tribe, 205. 

Sheepscoat John, an Indian chief, 251, 

Sheepscot, Indian attack upon, 192, 193, 

Sheepscot Falls, Me., 192 n. 

Sheepscot River, 192 n., 248. 

Shepard, Rev. Thomas, of Cambridge, 
162 n. 

Shepard, Rev. Thomas, of Charlestown, 
162, 165. 



Sheppard, Mary, escapes from the In- 
dians, 81. 

Sherbom (Sherburn), Capt., 220; death 
of, 229. 

Sidon (Zidon), referred to, 37. 

Skynner, Capt. Abraham, 197. 

Smith, Capt. John, referred to, 25. 

Smith, Capt. Richard, 43, 44, 45, 57, 61, 
68, 80, 81, 82. 

Solomon, referred to, 165. 

Sonconewhew, an Indian, 31. 

Sosoman, see Sausaman. 

Southack, Capt. Cyprian, 274, 275. 

South Dartmouth, suffering from In- 
dians, 30 n. 

South Kingston, R. I., Narragansett 
fortress at, 58 n. 

South Vernon, Vt., 133 n. 

Speight's Bay, location of, 71 n. 

Speight's Town, Barbadoes, 72. 

Spickes Bay, Barbadoes, 71. 

Sprague, Capt. Richard, 30, 34, 40. 

Springfield, attack upon, 47, 64, 85, 98, 

Spruce Creek, 221, 270. 

Spurwink, Me., 220. 

Squaukeag, 132 n. 

Squaw Sachem, definition of, 77. 

Squaw Sachem (Weetamoo), 25 n. See 
also Weetamoo. 

Stevens, Cyprian, of Lancaster, 109. 

Stockford, "Goody," 220. 

Stone, Simon, of Exeter, 222, 223. 

Stonewall John, an Indian engineer, 
58 n., 59, 96. 

Stonington, Conn., 91, 97. 

Storer, Joseph, of Wells, 233. 

Storer, Samuel, a sea-captain, 233, 235, 

Stoughton, Lieut.-Gov. WiUiam, 181; 
attempt to treat with the Indians of 
Maine, 187; acts against the French 
and Indians, 262-263. 

Study Hill, see Lonsdale. 

Sudbury, Mass., 80, 82, 92, 93, 98, 152 
n., 153, 154. 

"Sugar Loaf Hill," fight with Indians 
at, 42. 

Sunderland, a seaman, 239. 

Swain, Major Jeremiah, 202, 203. 

Swamp, Indian meaning of, 77; Indians 
captured in, 80. 

Swamp Fight, in Rhode Island, 5, 

31, 38, 58, 79; losses at, 60, 65, 79, 

Swan, Lieut. Samuel, 60. 
Swansey, 13, 26, 27, 28, 30, 62, 98. 

Tacitus, referred to, 190. 

Talcott, Major John, 59 n., 96. 

Tarshish, referred to, 37. 

Tatatiquinea, see Conway, Peter. 

Taunton, treaty of, 8 n.; arms obtained 
from Indians at, 27 n.; houses burned 
at, 30, 62, 98. 

Taunton River, 96 n. 

Teconnet Fort, 242. 

Tesschenmaker, Rev. Petrus, killed by 
the Indians at Schenectady, 205. 

Thanksgiving, first American broad- 
side appointing a day of, 163 n. 

Thaxter, Capt., 232. 

Thompson, Benjamin, his Funeral Trib- 
ute to . . . John Winthrope, 90 n. 

Thurston, Mary, of Medfield, 135. 

Thury, Rev. Pierre, 249. 

Tift, Joshua, 58, 67. 

Ting, Edward, see TjTig. 

Tishaquin, an Indian leader, captured, 
105 n. 

Tiverton, R. I., see Pocasset. 

Tobias, an Indian, 8 n. 

Toogood, Thomas, escapes from the 
Indians, 207. 

Tower Hill, R. I., 56 n. 

Townsend, Capt. Penn, makes a truce 
with the Indians, 227. 

Treat, Capt. Robert, 43, 60, 81. 

Trip's Ferry, Philip and English meet 
at, 9. 

True Narrative of the Lord^s Providences, 
cited, 35 n. 

Trumbull, Benjamin, his History of 
Connecticut, cited, 98 n. 

Turner, Capt. William, 89, 95, 96. 

Turner's Falls, victory over the Indians 
at, 95. 

Tyng, Lieut. Edward, 41, 58, 60. 

Tyre, referred to, 37. 

Uncas, an Indian chief, 24, 32, 38, 60, 

66, 68, 90, 91. 
Upham, Lieut. Phinehas, 60. 
Usher, Hezekiah, of Boston, 49, 162. 



Valine, Geoffroi, Sieur de la Planchette, 
his De Arte Nihil Credendi, 185. 

Vaughan, Major William, 228. 

Vincelotte, le Sieur de, 204. 

Virginia, New England's trade with, 68; 
aided by New England and New 
York, 73. 

Wachusett Lake, 154 n. 

Wachusett Mountain, 111, 122 n., 
145 n., 147, 149, 150. 

Wadsworth, Capt. Samuel, 80, 92, 93, 
94, 109, 122, 152, 153. 

Waite, Gapt. John, 60. 

Wakefield, R. I., 56 n. 

Waldren, see Waldron. 

Waldron, Major Richard, 163, 164, 
198, 199; death of, 196. 

Walker, Sergt., 224. 

Walley, Gapt. John, 47. 

Walten (Walton), Capt. Shadrach, 229. 

Wamesit (Lowell), an "Indian Res- 
idence," 33. 

W^are River, 123 n., 128 n. 

Warr in New-England Visibly Ended, 
The, 103. 

Warumbo, an Indian chief, 233. 

Warwick, burned by Indians, 82, 98. 

Wassambomet, an Indian chief, 251. 

Wattimore, see Weetamoo. 

Webenes, an Indian chief, 251. 

Weems, Gapt. James, surrenders Fort 
Pemaquid, 197. 

Weetamoo (the Squaw Sachem of Po- 
casset), 12; confused with Awashonks, 
25, 96; sides with Philip, 26; death 
of her child, 144; death of, 96 n. ; men- 
tioned, 34, 44, 45, 48, 55, 105, 125 n., 
130, 131, 150, 156, 158. 

Wekapaug, R. I., 32 n. 

Wells, attacked by French and Indians, 
232-238; mentioned, 184, 203, 226, 
228, 248, 261, 267, 268. 

Wenimesset (New Braintree), Mass., 
123 n., 124. 

Wenobson of Teconnet, an Indian, 

Wenongahewitt, an Indian, 251. 

Westerly, R. I., 32 n., 82 n. 

West Kingston, R. I., 58 n. 

Westminster, Mass., 154 n. 

West Warwick, R. I., 67 n. 

Wethersfield, Gonn., 110. 

Weymouth, Mass., 98. 

Wheeler, Joseph, of Lancaster, 122 n. 

Wheeler, Richard, of Lancaster, 109, 
118 n. 

Wheeler, Gapt. Thomas, 35; his True 
Narrative of the Lord's Providences, 
35 n. 

Wheelwright, Samuel, of Wells, 234. 

Wheelwright's Pond, 223. 

Whipple, Gapt. John, 89. 

White, Elizabeth (Mrs. Josiah White), 

White, Joane (Mrs. John White), 110. 

White, Gapt. John, 60. 

White, John, of Lancaster, 110, 118. 

White, Josiah, 162. 

White, Nathanael, released by Indians, 

Whitecomb, James, of Boston, 166. 

" White Hills" map, v. 

Whiting, Gapt. John, 43, 269. 

Whiting, Rev. John, of Lancaster, 269. 

Wickford, R. I., 43, 67 n., 82 n., 112. 

Wigwams, definition of, 77. 

Wilberd, Major Simon, see WUlard. 

Willard, Rev. Samuel, 36 n. 

Willard (Wilberd), Major Simon, 36, 
82, 218; death of, 94. 

William III., Mather's eulogy of, 277; 
mentioned, 195, 220, 241, 273. 

Williams, Rev. John, of Deerfield, 

Williams, Nathaniel, 29. 

Williams, Roger, 10 n., 87. 

Wilson, Lieut. Edward, 233. 

Wincol (Winkle), John, of Kittery, 

" Wine Hills" map, v. 

Wing, Gapt. John, 240, 251, 252. 

Winnepiseogee Lake, 196, 200, 203. 

Winslow, Josiah, governor of Pljmaouth, 
8, 11, 12, 15, 25, 26 n., 64, 56, 57, 58, 
59, 60, 61, 65, 67, 68, 80, 92. 

Winslow, Me., 242 n. 

Winter Harbor, Me., see Saco. 

Winthrop, John, Jr., governor of Con- 
necticut, 34, 35; death of, 89; Ben- 
jamin Thompson's tribute to, 90 n. 

Wiscasset, Me., 192 n. 

Wiser, James, a Christian Indian, 80 n., 

Wiswell, Capt. Noah, 203, 221, 223; 
death of, 224. 



Witchcraft, Cotton Mather on, 242-247. 

Wohawa, an Indian, see Hopehood. 

Wonolancet, chief of the Pennacook 
Indians, 15 n., 95. 

Woodcock, John, 94, 95. 

Woodcock, Nathaniel, killed by In- 
dians, 94, 95. 

Woodcock's Garrison, attack upon, 94. 

Woodstock, Conn., 67 n. 

Woonashum, see Nimrod. 

Worcester, Mass., 63 n., 94 n. 

Wright, Mr., of Providence, 86. 
Wussausmon, see Sausaman. 

Yarmouth, Me., 202. 

York, massacre at, 230; colonial loss, 

230 n.; redemption of captives, 232; 

mentioned, 187, 254, 261, 266, 268, 

York, James, Duke of, 185 n., 203. 

Zoar, referred to, 87. 

University of